armed struggle

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• because this was striving only politically, another group formed a revolutionary organization in Cairo in 1960. And a year later Idris Awate started the first armed struggle in 1st September 1961. Because injustice on Eritreans was growing, the oppressed had outlets to flee and join the armed struggle. While the struggle was going on, it was in 1967 that the Ethiopian government decided to get ri

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/69.php

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• a University for just one year. He found it difficult to live and work in Asmara because, besides the fact that he had some of his brothers in the “field” (the armed struggle for independence), he was clandestinely involved with the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF). In the end, he chose to join the front in 1977. Including those who followed him soon thereafter, he was the eighth brother t

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/sear.php

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• ration Front, 1982: 72). Furthermore, according to the ELF (sep.1977) report an estimated number of 40,000 civilians were massacred during the six years of the armed struggle. Over 1,500 villages were given to flames, 3,000 forced-settlers were created

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/19600.php

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• ow . All we know therefore is that student tracts addressed to peasant farmers at this date appealed to them to rise and fight the Amhara “colonial settler” in armed struggle as in Bale. Pamphlets were also addressed to the soldiers calling on them to join to end the Haile Selassie feudal regime.. Tracts addressed to the Orthodox Church priesthood, and denounced the growth under Haile Selassie ,

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/HYJA72.php

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• In this 47th year of commemoration of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation, this paper argues that the Eritrean struggle for liberation was not started 47 years ago on 1st September 1961 but 50 years ago in 1958 when the Eritrean flag was lowered and only the Ethiopian flag was permitted, and political rights and civil liberties came to an end in 1958 in violation of the of

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/crime50.php

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• tal condition for victory, prosperity, peace and progress both in the on-going stage of national democratic revolution where the Eritrean people are conducting armed struggle as well as later;

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/unityi.php

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• Currently, there is hot debate among different political parties, websites and individuals to define Hamid Idris Awate who began the long armed struggle for independence. The group can be mainly categorized into two sections: those who acknowledged Eritrean armed struggle for independence and those discredited the struggle for independence as false nationalism. Others may be free from such categor

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/shifta1.php

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• a blessing. Eritrean never experienced social upheaval, but social harmony even with the unfortunate era of chain of colonial powers. To subdue colonialism our armed struggle was organized based on civic nationalism even under the unfortunate civil war the civic nationalism tenet was not compromised. It is therefore high time that Eritreans consider pusuing mainstream politics based on peaceful an

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/poris.php

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• ration Front, 1982: 72). Furthermore, according to the ELF (sep.1977) report an estimated number of 40,000 civilians were massacred during the six years of the armed struggle. Over 1,500 villages were given to flames, 3,000 forced-settlers were created

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/2010.php

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• Saleh is a prime example of those Eritreans who confuse external justification for internal one. When responding to the question why the armed struggle started, all he says is that the Ethiopians didn’t keep their word; that they unilaterally abrogated the federation treaty, and so on. And as responses go, this might be a sufficient answer when given to an outsider (as in the example given above).

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• Furthermore during critical times of the armed struggle, while the Derg launched another anti-EPLF offensive “the Ba-haer Negash Offensive “whose objective was the capture of Nakfa within five days in 1985, the EPLF opened a new vocational school at Wina with 100 students: The school offered a two-year course in some seven skills including auto-mechanics, electrical engineering, metal work, carpen

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/edprim.php

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• from the North America was psychologically intimidated by the accusations cited above. She explains in her interview with Arab-West Report, that she joined the armed struggle as a matter of moral obligation. After finishing school in the United States, in 1976, she decided to join the Eritreans for Liberation in North America (EFLNA) movement, though this move was against her father’s wishes. Afte

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/ensameg.php

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• During the Armed Struggle, it was a pride for an Eritrean to be in Ethiopian prisons, as a political prisoner. But during those years, and especially during Haile Selassie's rule, all Eritrean political prisoners, including those who were caught red-handedly attacking Ethiopia were given due process to defend themselves in the court of law, and although the investigation was harsh, once sentenced,

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/yonasep.htm

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• Eritrea’s success in its 30-year armed struggle for independence from Ethiopia was due in some measure to extraordinary discipline on the part of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the effective mobilization of the whole adult population in the service of the liberation war effort.[150] Since the border war with Ethiopia ended in 2000, however, increasing numbers of Eritreans—especi

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/forla.php

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• EPLF re-named itself the People's Front for Democracy and Justice and formed the new Eritrean government, with Afewerki as its head of state. After 30 years of armed struggle, 65,000 Eritrean fighters and 40,000 civilians had been killed.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/alja.php

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• Said Abdulhai is a veteran of the armed struggle for independence, and he was one of the founders of the media department during the post-independence years.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/jou.php

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• s something like an obligation to join the movement for national liberation. Emotionally and sen timentally, everyone was with the ELF. But when I joined the armed struggle in 1966 with many of my friends, we began to know the real ELF. The first day I arrived in Kassala [Sudan], I was frustrated, people telling me about th e ugly nature of the ELF. It was a -- 44 -- nightmare. For some

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/EPLF_01.pdf

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• 952, until it was formally annexed as a provi nce by Ethiopia in 1962. During Ethiopia’s annexation of Eritrea, the Eritre an Liberation Front (ELF) began an armed struggle, splitting in the mid-1970s with a new group emerging, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (E PLF) in 1977. The EPLF, after military defeats and reconstitution of its fo rces, launched an attack in 1989 that culminated

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/eritrea-220409.pdf

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• ks waged against it from other fronts, ELF-RC was able to rebuild itself into a formidable front. At the conference of 1984 when ELF-RC decided to continue the armed struggle, Wedi Bashai was elected to the Political leadership and he became deputy chief of the military office led by Abdela Hassan. In the 3rd congress of 1989 of ELF-RC, Wedi Bashai was elected to the executive committee of the f

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• Abdallah is a child of the refugee camps, a son of post-independence Eritrea. Still, words like "armed struggle" and "refugee" have been common currency in his household all his life. His earliest recollections were of the national liberation struggle.

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• e of the many underground seven-member cells that were active in his home town. Later on, when the political agitation gained momentum and transformed to an armed struggle phase, Dr. Beyene joined the Eritrean Liberation Front as an urban clandestine activist both as a student and later as a professional. When the Ethiopian Military Council (Derg) that toppled the imperial order in Ethiop

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/Tribute%20to%20Dr.%20Beyene%20Kidane.pdf

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• lled by the ELF and EPLF. The crimes against the Kunama people which is committed by the PFDJ is not new but has history go back before Idris Awate started the armed struggle. The legacy of Hamid Idris Awate, to the Eritrean „Gedli“ (struggle), seen, experienced and analysed from the Kunama perspective The VKP/KAM: (September 30, 2009). In the 1960s the Kunamas people became the first victim o

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/civilan.php

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• , peaceful and armed, IMA wrote: “If the Eritrean Moslems take pride in being the first to call for independence [in the 1940s] and the first in initiating the armed struggle in September 1961, the Eritrean Christians also have full right to be equally proud in their rejection early on [during the federal period and after] of Ethiopia’s privileges and benefits, including power-sharing, given to th

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• rean Liberation Fronts whose goal was to separate his home region, Eritrea from Ethiopia nevertheless he tacitly supported their efforts in the hope that their armed struggle may ultimately weakening the grip of the Imperial system on Ethiopia and free the entire populace victims of crude exploitation by handful land owning class.

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• reading. The Kagnew Station ‘Deal’ of 1970. What was it? The Kagnew Station story at one time evoked serious charges of treason perpetrated against the armed struggle. The alleged perpetrator was none other than Essayas Afeworki, the incumbent President of the State of Eritrea. Whatever its merit, the story is now little known among many Eritreans, the majority of whom were born or broug

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/DIA%20Kagnew%20CIA%20Connection.pdf

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• ft very unique stamps in the Eritrean liberatio n war as explained ambassador Abdella Adem. Mr Abdela said that his mind t ook him back to the days of the armed struggle recalling the great roles and precious contributions of the hero Ali Said to liberate Eritrea. Mr.Adem said that he had known the late Eritrea n hero as a disti nguished fighter and leader who was highly respected by his t

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/chairmasorow.pdf

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• stance and resilience of the people of Eritrea was demonstrated during the twenty years of political struggle for independence (1941-1961), the thirty years of armed struggle for independence (1961-1991) and the twenty years of resistance and defense for independence and sovereignty (1998-2018). In the course of the struggle, Eritreans have paid enormous human and material sacrifice and received d

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• al period and later under colonial period and after colonial period during the British administration and the Ethiopian occupation and during the political and armed struggle period? How can national unity of a multi-ethnic and multi religious Eritrea achieved? What forms of unity, consociational or federal?

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/nunity.php

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• Mohammed Ali Ibrahim and Mahmoud Jibril are veterans of the armed struggle for the liberation of Eritrea and continued their struggle against the Eritrean regime until they disappeared.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/kina.php

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• I’ve come across many people who are absolutely convinced that Naizghi was responsible for the liquidation of the group known as Menka’a during the armed struggle. Quite often, they try to make up for their lack of evidence with their intensity of conviction and a sense of outrage. I sympathize with their sense of outrage but I can’t join them in their condemnation. Having read all the comments to

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• Even when the Muslims/Lowlanders armed themselves and started an armed struggle to liberate Eritrea, they targeted only the Ethiopian occupation and they never targeted the Christians/Highlanders as an act of revenge. If anything, they wooed them to join the revolution against the occupation and they succeeded.

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• the rule of law and justice. Seyoum and the others never dreamt that they will be oppressed by people they considered friend, brothers and sisters. During the armed struggle Seyoum was active at all levels. He fought in the front line smashing enemy trenches, engaged in planting and removing landmines, documented written the history of the struggle while fighting, and drew while leading and admin

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• e ELF military weakness and internal crises. At the end they declared war on the ELF which was one of the worst crime of the EPLF leaders in the history of the armed struggle. The EPLF leaders should be blamed for the death of unknown number fighters in the civil war of 1981.[According to unofficial report the civil war of 1981 caused an estimated between 1,000 and 2,000 casualties.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/20112.php

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• Through the 30 years armed struggle as many educators of 1940s, 1950s and 1960s generation became victimised of atrocities, imprisonment and disappearances by the Ethiopian security forces as well as by the ELF and EPLF security forces. By and large during the liberation war especially in the late 1960s and 1970 Eritrean students, teachers and other educated classes were not only became a target o

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• during this time Kidane had been sent by the ELF to recruit Addis Abeba University in 1965. From then students from Addis Abeba University started to join the armed struggle. In 1969 Wolde Ghidey and Kidane Kiflu were assasinated in Kessala by the ELF.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/ARMES.php

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• In 1997, new independent newspapers began to circulate. Given the political, social, and economic state of affairs after a 30-year armed struggle for independence, Eritreans looked on the beginnings of press freedom as quite an achievement. Sadly, it was a short-lived spring.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/mia.htm

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• We have to think of alternatives. The country is a multi-national country. For example, I remember during the period of armed struggle, when the ELF was pushed out, the issue of autonomous regions was considered in Denkalia. Even the EPLF had similar problems. This is very sensitive. Unless we hold that we are democratically equal, there is a problem. We don�t believe there will be secession. But

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/sagintr.php

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• erience of the Eritrean revolution that either I participated in person or witnessed. Since I believe very well that the experiences and history of the 30 year armed struggle for the liberation of Eritrea cannot be written in one book or in a few hours; I wouldn’t like to pass without mentioning to my readers that I will focus on the important issues… questions and historical events that took plac

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/elfversion.php

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• During the armed struggle, sectarian tendencies were subservient to the unity of the Eritrean people and its territorial integrity. The sharp turn to sectarian tendencies in Eritrean politics by some Islamists is a relatively new incident. A contributing factor was the frustration of traditional and conservative nationalists with the ideologies that the leadership of the Eritrean revolution was es

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/smoko.php

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• The Kagnew Station story at one time evoked serious charges of treason perpetrated against the armed struggle. The alleged perpetrator was none other than Essayas Afeworki, the incumbent President of the State of Eritrea. Whatever its merit, the story is now little known among many Eritreans, the majority of whom were born or brought up after the year 1970, when the incident took place.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/iscia.htm

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• xploiting the ELF military weakness and internal crises they declared war on the ELF which was one of the worst crime of the EPLF leaders in the history of the armed struggle

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• After successfully accomplishing the aforementioned achievements, and participating in the armed struggle waged by the Eritreans through his enlistment in the ELF, he continued to contribute to the revolution by serving at the court of the city of Aqurdet after it was liberated by the ELF. Not long after, just like the thousands of Eritreans heading into exile, Mr. Mewail migrated to the United St

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• Eritrea, a nation in the Horn of Africa, has won the struggle for independence on May 24 1991. During the armed struggle for independence, there were numerous evidences that the leadership from ELF and EPLF were persecuting their comrades who attempted to introduce leadership accountability and promote sustainable unity and freedom among the Eritrean people. The recent development of Eritrean peop

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/fact.php

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• lassie I University in 1964. By then, his political awareness was strongly influenced by the rise of Eritrean nationalism in 1950s, the rapid escalation of the armed struggle for liberation in the Third World, and Ethiopian university students demonstration of the early 1960s against the feudal system.

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• nd imprisonment of innocent citizens became the ritual of the day. Soon the Eritrean people took their resistance for freedom to the next level and started the armed struggle in September 1961 lead by Hamid Idris Awate. Therefore, Sembel Detention Center was built to decimate our people's aspiration for freedom and soon it became one of the largest detention centers ever with over 1,000 prisoners

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/MEMORIE1975.htm

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• Although the ELF and EPLF leaders tried to persuade the public, through commemoration of the armed struggle for national liberation, that the Eritrean struggle, was started on 1st of September 1961 by the ELF every year on 1st September, the struggle for independence goes back to the flourishing of the Eritrean political parties in the 1940s, and in the 1950s. This is confirmed by Ato Woldab’s ha

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/concl.php

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• ccept any of the famous national figures, 2) because of this and other reasons we joined the ELF which was recently formed in Cairo; 3) we want to renounce the armed struggle; 4) we expect arms. That were the points presented by this delegation from Kassala and it corresponded with what we felt we needed. So we took their side and opened for them a way to Keren. We sent them to Keren to meet Sulei

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• d Shambeko. While serving the nation in our units, I came to learn that he was born and raised in Asmara. Due to his intense patriotism, he had enlisted in the armed struggle in 1990. An astute and conscientious person, he was not one to utter, ?yes, ok? indisicriminately.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/Testimonexcute.php

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• The EDA is mobilizing the Eritrean public the wrong way. During the armed struggle Eritreans were called to sacrifice their life, contribute materially, food, their energy and their ideas and we did in droves, we answered fire with fire that made us victorious in driving out the Ethiopian colonial power and erected independent Eritrea in 1991. We don’t say a wave of revolutionary uprising like wha

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• Luckily, Eritrea's armed struggle had by then already established semi-liberated areas in the countryside. When the terror was unleashed in Ethiopia, hundreds of them were able to escape either singly or in groups. Unlike their counterparts, the Ethiopian elites, they were spared the ignominy of facing the military courts, and the firing squads. They were, according to the Tigrigna phrase, Wtsa?e

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• During the past several years, the Eritrean Revolution had its share of traitors and drop-outs who could not bear the hardships of the armed struggle. Desertion is not unique to Eritrea nor is it a new phenomenon in our struggle. But something new and abnormal is being experienced by a splinter group of the Revolution, namely, the EPLF whose wrong political trends and military blunders have discre

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/letter100.php

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• Most of the young generation have sufficient knowledge of the history of armed struggle against the Ethiopian occupation which was launched by Awate on 1st September 1961, but not of those patriotic heroes who resisted the Italian rule. Although Eritrea was for 60 years under Italian colonization there are few publications on the crime committed against Eritrean people during the Italian rule comp

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• tween 1956 and 1966, 33 former colonies in Africa attained independent statehood; of this, 16 became independent during 1960. (Eritreans hastened to declare an armed struggle a year later.)

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• In the history of Eritrea armed struggle the period between1965-1968 was called Zemene kiflitat. The regional-based military structure instead of minimizing the ethnic, religious and personal conflicts made them worse. The intensive rivalry between different zones became the main cause of inefficiency and disunity among the Zone Commands. According to Antonio Tesfai the ELF’s biggest mistake was

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• tutional developments in the newly liberated from Italy colony. The work also highlights the challenges educated Eritrean had experienced during the liberation armed struggle for independence, the newly refreshed education revitalization hope witnessed in the independent Eritrea in the 90s and the critical challenges Education programs have experience along with the failure of other government ins

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• wrong footing, with a renowned shifta with a bloody history of tribal sectarianism as its head. When a group of Muslim elite congregated in Cairo to start the armed struggle, they were seeking a tribal footing in mieda, even though their aspirations were entirely driven by the pan-Arabism of the land from which they were launching their revolution. The contradictions that were to define the ELF f

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• nants of modernity from its colonial legacy that was crust-thin to begin with. The irony of it is that it is this very generation that, through years of wanton armed struggle, destroyed that colonial legacy which it thought was part and parcel of its “modern identity”. Thus, it is this “surface modernity” of the ghedli generation that lies behind much of the undoing of Eritrea. Well, it seems t

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• In this 48th year of commemoration of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation, a brave nationalist man like Tuku’s should be remembered as a hero by all Eritrean youth and they should follow his traces to revitalize the spirit of the 1950s youth movement which will be have a great outcome in creating unity among the youth to speed up their victory over the present autocratic go

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• Mariam Debre Sina 30 July - 7 August Festival Eritrea Asmara Expo (one week) 11 August Debre Bizen Abune Libanos 1 September Anniversary of the Start of the Armed Struggle 11 September Keddus Yohannes (Geez New Year) 27 September Meskel (Finding of the True Cross) 11 November Nidget of Saint Georghis Orthodox Church (Gejeret) 21 November Nidget Saint Michaels Orthodox Church (Tseserat)

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/erit136.pdf

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• 1952, until it was formally annexed as a province by Ethiopia in 1962. During Ethiopia’s annexation of Eritrea, the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) began an armed struggle, splitting in the mid-1970s with a new group emerging, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) in 1977. The EPLF, after military defeats and reconstitution of its forces, launched an attack in 1989 that culminated in

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• In this 64th year of commemoration of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation,it is worthwhile to tell the truth to the young generation when the Eritrean people's struggle started and by whom by looking briefly at the motivation behind the ELF Supreme Council's decision to liquidate the Harakat also ELM in 1965.

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• tical history of Eritrea, there is a rare of practice of engagement in peaceful conflict resolution strategies. In many circumstances of political movement and armed struggle for independence, Eritreans have failed to develop a civilized culture of discussion, negotiation, compromise, and reconciliation to overcome any problem that could emerge because of the existence of natural and inevitable di

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• In this 47th year of commemoration of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation,it is worthwhile to tell the truth to the young generation when the Eritrean people's struggle started and by whom by looking briefly at the motivation behind the ELF Supreme Council's decision to liquidate the Harakat also ELM in 1965.

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• According to Mahmoud Ismail Haj and Suleiman Ibrahim, had the armed struggle been led by the ELM, whose leaders were seasoned political activists and virtuous, Eritrea would have been spared the agonies of the civil war and the other tragedies that befell it and its people, this because the ELM was secular and non-sectarian. However the ELM no longer exited by the time civil war broken out in 1972

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• ring the heavily promoted celebrations, neither the government officials in their speeches, nor the state media mentioned General Uqbe’s name. A veteran of the armed struggle who participated in the two major battles that led to the victory over Wikaw Iz said, “it is odd. In fact it is a betrayal and deceitful to celebrate the victory of Wikaw Iz without mentioning General Uqbe.”

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• But to let the people who actually committed the crimes freely roam the streets; those who killed during our armed struggle and make Naizghi the scapegoat is tantamount to exonerating them or giving them impunity and defaming Naizghi for something that he had nothing to do with.

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• left with them. It is with this spirit that we remember Sabbe, the famous Osman Saleh Sabbe. Would you imagine any politician during the period of the Eritrean armed struggle who was ridiculed as much as Sabbe was? He was wronged alive and he is still being wronged almost thirty years after his death.

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• Harper adds that as a former leader of EFLNA’s Chicago chapter, now a high-ranking government official in Eritrea, stated.”EFLNA’s contribution to the armed struggle was explicitly recognized as one of the most important mass organizations for the armed struggle, materially, publicity wise, and in the mobilization of Eritreans outside the country. The influence of EFLNA was not limited to North Am

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• On the occasion of the commemoration of the 54th anniversary of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation and the 24th anniversary of Eritrea’s liberation from Ethiopian occupation, this compilation provides an overview of the Eritrean women who greatly contributed to the victory of the Eritrea revolution through supporting it financially, providing information and by joining the

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• Unlike most of Eritrea's armed groups, DMLEK is not a splinter group of ELF, nor do its leadership and most fighters have a history of participation in the armed struggle. Founded after Eritrea's independence and led by Mr. Kernelios Osman, DMLEK is an ethnic-empowerment group advocating the rights of the Eritrean Kunama, whose ancestral land is in the Southwestern part of Eritrea (Gash area.)

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• Initially ENASA was formed to support the Eritrea armed struggle led ELF but later when the EPLF split from the ELF there was an intensive discussions on the internal splits within the ENASA members for the first three years (1970-1973). The repeated failures to connect successfully with the ELF reportedly frustrated ENASA members and pushed them closer to the EPLF Additionally members of ELFNA

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• nexed Eritrea as one of the provinces of Ethiopia without the United Nations taking action to defend its own resolution or the people of Eritrea. In 1961, an armed struggle for liberation began and lasted for thirty years. On 24 May 1991 the thirty-year war concluded with a victory of the Eritrean people. In May 1993, Eritrea declared its independence following an internationally supervised r

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• local villain and an “ordinary shifta” ... Hamid Idris Awate, for the Kunama people and, removed from his alleged connection with the beginning of the Eritrean armed struggle, was and remains a local villain, a murderer, “an ordinary shifta”, a cattle raider and a criminal element ...” (“Does Mr. Saleh AA Younis know of Hamid Idris Awate better than the Kunama people?” May 28, 2009)

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• At last, we talked about Hamid Idris Awate, the patriot who started the Eritrean armed struggle. "He was a thorn on our side," said Cracknell, "The man lived by the sword." He gave me some examples of why he had said that.

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• ly-informed discussions of political issues such as the national question with reference to self-determination and secession, a timely subject connected to the armed struggle in Eritrea.

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• . The fl ame of revolution to colonizers sought to extinguish only ended up being a fire that burned them down and shook their foundations. During the 30 years armed struggle for liberation, the fighters had never, for a moment, wavered in their determination to achieve freedom at all costs. It was this fight against all odds that ultimately brought victory and lasting peace to the broad masses. H

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• ervice work. But the legacy of the intellectual members who concentrated on political philosophy and education, should never be forgotten in the history of the armed struggle for independence.

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• the main ideologues of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) that led the war of independence, Durue dropped out of Addis Ababa University to join the armed struggle in December 1966.

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• other words, what did Kidane Kiflu symbolize?Professor Berhe: Kidane landed in the midst of the turbulence that characterized the first decade of the Eritrean armed struggle. In the second half of the 1960s the armed struggle for Eritrean independence was undergoing severe growth pangs. Kidane’s writings (correspondences) show his concern about the problems faced by the movement and the need for

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• d hope of the Eritrean people. The movement achieved its goals because it wasn’t politically motivated; the message was based on the premise that the “Eritrean Armed Struggle” was ignited to defeat the colonial power and liberate Eritrea. It was a historic national call to rise collectively as one people against the imperial army. And it succeeded.

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• Shaleka MebrahtuThis is a wedding photograph of Shaleka Mebrahtu Teweldemedhin, who was killed in a mysterious circumstance during the armed struggle for Eritrea’s independence.

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• . The fl ame of revolution to colonizers sought to extinguish only ended up being a fire that burned them down and shook their foundations. During the 30 years armed struggle for liberation, the fighters had never, for a moment, wavered in their determination to achieve freedom at all costs. It was this fight against all odds that ultimately brought victory and lasting peace to the broad masses. H

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• ted by Issayas Afeworki and his allies in the PLF. It also set the tone for the way in which Eritrean society was mobilized by the leadership both during the armed struggle and after liberation. In the short term, it enhanced the power of the ELF in the plateau as the PLF withdrew its forces there, allowing the ELF to extend its secret organisations in Asmara and the other towns. Together w

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• lled by the ELF and EPLF. The crimes against the Kunama people which is committed by the PFDJ is not new but has history go back before Idris Awate started the armed struggle. In the 1960s the Kunamas people became the first victim of the ELF leaders. According to Yosef 2009, many houses with their inhabitants inside; men, women and children indiscriminately killed; entire fertile areas abandoned

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• there were student unions in the Middle East and that they were closer to Eritrea. Also, since our struggle was only diplomatic it had to be connected with the armed struggle in Eritrea, we wanted to have closer relations with the students in the Middle East so that we could work on projects jointly. At that time, I was the chairman of the union and the congress delegated myself and Ahamadani to t

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• vibrant and democratic press. In this regard, the worst atrocities were committed under the evil reign of the Dergue. While the generation that carried on the armed struggle escaped the corrupting influences of Ethiopian occupation, its links to the earlier tradition of the 1940s and 1950s were weak and tenuous, and its preoccupation was mainly in carrying out the political message of the nationa

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• marked as the end of their split of what was, by common agreement, their most successful Political Party Conference for years. As it is known, the ELF lost its armed struggle in the 1980s under the attack of EPLF and TPLF. Its destruction was a plan of conspiracy coalition of the EPLF and TPLF. Both EPLF and TPLF underwent an illogic periodical relationship, ill-planned political game and gain, il

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• rounded up to be coerced into military service. This is not the society for which the Eritrean people made countless sacrifice during more than thirty years of armed struggle to gain their independence from Ethiopia.

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• also witnessed a flow of large numbers Sudan without travel papers and were welcomed by the Egyptian Government the same w The, ELF, the front that started the armed struggle for liberation in Eritrea was established in exile and students who were among the refugees of the 1950s in Egypt. Refugees continued to flow to Egypt in the 1970s for educational opportunities. Many Er transit to travel

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• When the TPLF started the armed struggle on 18 February 1975, the relation of the TPLF with both the EPLF and TPLF was not good. However later the relation between the TPLF and EPLF was improved. This was when the EPLF had a plan to drive out thhe EPLFin the end of the 1970. Based on the principle "The enemy of my enemy is my friend. The EPLF leadership formed an alighn with the TPLF to attack the

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• When the TPLF started the armed struggle on 18 February 1975, the relation of the TPLF with both the EPLF and TPLF was not good. However later the relation between the TPLF and EPLF was improved. This was when the EPLF had a plan to drive out thhe EPLFin the end of the 1970. Based on the principle "The enemy of my enemy is my friend. The EPLF leadership formed an alighn with the TPLF to attack the

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• Another theory tries to deny all those ex-members of EPLF and ELF who are accused of sins during the long years of armed struggle the right to participate in activities for democratic change.

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• to the other ugly legacy of Awate. Why did those who founded the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) in Cairo resort to Awate to declare the launch of the Eritrean armed struggle on their behalf? It was not because Awate stands for justice, peace and freedom. It was for the mere fact that Awate was a great shifta leader and a warrior with high military experiences, tactics and knowledge of the area. T

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• During the armed struggle not only the number of Eritrean educators declined but also the quality of education was at the bottom line. In 1991 when Eritrea liberated there was an hope of revitalizing the educational system and to fill a looming shortfall in educators which was occurred through the 30 years of liberation war. The next section will look briefly whether this hope achieves or not.

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• Unfortunately, ELM’s sophisticated strategic vision and organisation was quelled short by other Eritrean leaders who declared armed struggle on 1st September 1961 under the leadership of Eritrean Liberation Front.

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• , Having disagreed with the present policies of the Eritrean government does NOT give you the right to undermine the Eritrean people who, 1. WAGED 30 YEARS OF ARMED STRUGGLE, 2. PAYED OVER 100,000 MARTYERS, 3. DEFEATED TWO SUPER POWERS, 4. CAPTURED RUSSIAN & ETHIOPIAN WAR GENERALS, 5. SAVED OVER A MILLION REFFUGGEES & WAR VETERANS, 6. BUILT & REBUILT, RESSURECTING A WAR TORN NATION IN TO A VIABLE

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• rding Mengisteab (2005:41) the ELM leadership was able to convince thirty policemen to leave their posts with their weapons in order to form the nucleus of the armed struggle against the illegal annexation of Eritrea by Ethiopia

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• without charges for years is not a controversial subject. That it executed dissenters and that itself as an organization was a victim of liquidation during the armed struggle era (1961 – 1991) is not new either: there have been allegations about its liquidation of MenkaE (a splinter “leftist” group) and “Yemeen” (a splinter “rightists” group.) This revolutionary-ethic style of “justice” was carrie

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• field, (4) political support to the struggle, (5) material support to the fighters in the field and (6) encouraging and preparing Eritreans abroad to join the armed struggle. Thus EFLNA sought to encourage members to fully commit themselves to work for the national liberation struggle in whatever ways necessary (pp. 17-18).

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• In this 48th year of commemoration of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation, a brave nationalist man like Tuku’s should be remembered as a hero by all Eritrean youth and they should follow his traces to revitalize the spirit of the 1950s youth movement which will be have a great outcome in creating unity among the youth to speed up their victory over the present autocratic go

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• refuted its plans and aims. We wished and aspired to avoid repeating the painful past, which was exercised by some old-fashioned leadership figures during the armed struggle era particularly the dictatorial regime president in Asmara who employed our people’s accomplishments for his own aims through limiting our people’s freedoms, and ruling the country by using middle age regulations. Therefore,

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• In 1995 the security apparatus waged large scale campaigns of detentions against members of Eritrean Liberation Front, the organisation that started the armed struggle for liberation of Eritrea and its role diminished lately due to civil war with EPLF, which was supported by the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the leading party in the coalition governing party in Ethiopia today. It is said

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• h to the roots of the problem. The first two decades of our modern history in struggle (1941-1961) were put aside as a different chapter of the ‘past’ when the armed struggle was launched. As the first Mission Statement of Awate.com underlined it, the armed struggle launched in 1961 aspired to open a totally new period of political life in which the past wounds would be healed through a gradual pr

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• an regime in controlling the economy. It also developed from the ideology of the independence struggle of the units under the command of Isayas Afewerki in the armed struggle against Ethiopia, at that time under the name Eritrean Popular Liberation Front (EPLF). “Even in its initial phase, the EPLF associated liberalism, individualism, and intellectualism (called the trio of mortal sins) as a cent

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• Ahmed Kakay was born in Afta, a village in the environs of Zula. A veteran of the armed struggle, he joined the Eritrean Liberation Front in the mid 1960s at a very young age. A few years later he was among the founders of Popular Liberation Front under the leadership of the late Osman Saleh Sabbe. In 1977, when the PLF split, he moved on with the EPLF under the leadership of Ramadan Mohammed Nur.

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• The succession of incidents at the beginning of the sixties and the break-out of the Eritrean Armed Struggle forced the Emperor to search for an exit, one which preserved his dignity and prestige: as he perceived it, he was the unique leader of Africa in spite of the attempts of Nasser and Nkrumah. He worked hard, searching for ways to regain tenacity and cohesiveness to the old Empire and preven

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• In 1995 the security apparatus waged large scale campaigns of detentions against members of Eritrean Liberation Front, the organisation that started the armed struggle for liberation of Eritrea and its role diminished lately due to civil war with EPLF, which was supported by the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), the leading party in the coalition governing party in Ethiopia today. It is said

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• The ELF was removed from the armed struggle. The central distinction between EDM and the other organizations is that the EDM came during the life of the ELF and the others came after the demise of the ELF. EDM was a genuine organization within the bosom of the ELF. Sometime between 1982 and 1984, while I was in Baghdad, some of the cadres of the EDM had a meeting. The EDM split into two: because

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• each other previously and we had shared values that cemented our relationship and developed into a level of extended family. We had shared the belief that the armed struggle waged by the people of Eritrea had been a war to end all wars of oppression and subjugation. We never anticipated that wars or the threat of war would be a permanent feature of Eritrea simply because the present leaders have

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• After the conclusion of Eritrea?s 30-year armed struggle era (1961 ? 1991), it is universally accepted that every Eritrean family was affected by the struggle. Similarly, every Eritrean knows at least one person who has been arrested, made to disappear or otherwise victimized by the Isaias regime, which has now been in power for over 12 years (1991-present.)

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• cover, he was instrumental in smuggling food, medicines, arms and ammunitions from the countries of the region to the Eritrean coast during the period of the armed struggle. 242Awate.com: ‘Hassen Feres, 82, Arrested in Massawa’, 23 May 2007 (at www.awate.com). 243Including Tewelde Zemichael, Tesfaldet Tewelde and Hadera Kahsu, a medical doctor (AI 2002). 244Mr Taha Mohammed Nur was an early cr

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• Before joining the armed struggle for Eritrea’s independence, Mr. Solomon studied at the University of Addis Ababa. Later on, he did his further studies in Sweden. While in Sweden, he met the veteran Eritrean patriot Woldeab Woldemariam and got involved with Eritrean revolutionary activities. Soon after, he joined the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), in the early 1970s. During the armed

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• vibrant and democratic press. In this regard, the worst atrocities were committed under the evil reign of the Dergue. While the generation that carried on the armed struggle escaped the corrupting influences of Ethiopian occupation, its links to the earlier trad ition of the 1940s and 1950s were weak and tenuous, and its preoccupation was mainly in carrying out the political message of the nation

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• In retrospect, if the question was whether the entire armed struggle for liberation with its heavy cost was avertable? I would have answered: Yes, and would have probably come closer to agreeing with YG’s prolonged analysis of the entire period of “ghedli”/”Nidal” for the following less spoken about reasons:-

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• .13 The leadership’s actions, according to one authority, “set the tone for the way in which Eritrean society was mobilized by the leadership both during the armed struggle and after liberation.”14 In 1976, 150 EPLF members held an organizational meeting, at which Isayas Afewerki was chosen secretary-general.15 As Dan Connell, a close observer of the EPLF has noted, a principal difference b

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• r victory over the present autocratic government and other leaders within the opposition group who refuse to acknology their crimes or collaboration during the armed struggle.

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• im Mohammed Ali (the current ELF-RC chairman) and Ibrahim Toteel, Nhnan Elamanan rightly criticized the lack of well-studied programme for the launching of the armed struggle. The fighters' movement inside Eritrea and the sister reformist group in the Sudan were harassed by the leadership which did not identify its enemies to be "Christians" only. But the message of Nhnan Elamanan denied the reali

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• Indeed, Sudan played a very crucial role in the 30 years armed struggle for the independence of Eritrea, but in many aspects, today’s Sudan geo-politics is by far different from that of the 1970’s and 1980’s. The challenge of this generation is different in its kind and magnitude to the challenge of the previous generations.

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• wrong footing, with a renowned shifta with a bloody history of tribal sectarianism as its head. When a group of Muslim elite congregated in Cairo to start the armed struggle, they were seeking a tribal footing in mieda, even though their aspirations were entirely driven by the pan-Arabism of the land from which they were launching their revolution. The contradictions that were to define the ELF f

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• r hand some concerned citizens in Diaspora have issued warnings to both the critics of the opposition political leaderships who are calling for a return to the armed struggle era’s method when they were part of Mass Organisations and other civil societies who condemn them, vowing: we are going to do this our own way. First and foremost we should condemn anti-political opposition rhetoric. I think

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• house, and it fell with a great crash". Matthew 7:24 - 27 24 May 1991, ushered in a new era in the history of Eritrea. It was a culmination of a 30 years armed struggle and a nother 20 years of political turmoil before it. T he Eritrean people’s aspiration and struggle for nation hood was concluded in the creation of a sovereign Eritrea. The era of nation building started. What ty

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• Mr. Sunabera Debena, an Eritrean national with distinguished record of support for Eritrea’s armed struggle, died on Saturday 9/20/2008. He was in his 80s. Sunabera was one of about a half-a-dozen of elderly Eritreans who were arrested in October 2001 shortly after they attempted to mediate the conflict between two sides of the ruling party, PFDJ. Like his fellow prisoners, he was neither char

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• Do you know that ANC suspended its armed struggle in order to facilitate a move towards dialogue? What if the EPDP suspends its conflict issue with the preparatory committee and move towards the conference? It is time to put your personalities aside and discuss on the salvation of our people suffering under the dictator. The Eritrean people need the “ Shitel” mantra, “ talk to your conflict partne

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• i Teklu, Mussie Tesfamichael, Yohannes Sbhatu, Resom Zerai, Tareqe Yehdego, Aberash Melke and Dahab Tesfatsion, who were sentenced to death. This phase of our armed struggle was personally and nationally painful. In my retelling and reliving it, iy is important for me to give my personal reflections, both then and now. I do so not to shrink responsibility or to sugarcoat unsavory truths, but to p

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• ccept any of the famous national figures, 2) because of this and other reasons we joined the ELF which was recently formed in Cairo; 3) we want to renounce the armed struggle; 4) we expect arms. That were the points presented by this delegation from Kassala and it corresponded with what we felt we needed. So we took their side and opened for them a way to Keren. We sent them to Keren to meet Sulei

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• m the neighboring Sudan and a father of seven children from an Eritrean lady, had been suffering behind the bars of the PFDJ. He had taken part in the Eritrean armed struggle against the Ethiopian colonialism until he entered Asmara with the fighters. Sadiq, who has narrated the violations he had been exposed to at the hands of the PFDJ in more than a prison through the Sudanese daily al-Watten, s

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• Professor Berhe: Kidane landed in the midst of the turbulence that characterized the first decade of the Eritrean armed struggle. In the second half of the 1960s the armed struggle for Eritrean independence was undergoing severe growth pangs. Kidaneís writings (correspondences) show his concern about the problems faced by the movement and the need for positive reform and development. The leadershi

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• anization, whose leaders were given government and military posts. Others, such as the ELF-Revolutionary Council, remained in opposition - some launching a new armed struggle from bases in Sudan, others engaging solely in political opposition in exile.

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• marked as the end of their split of what was, by common agreement, their most successful Political Party Conference for years. As it is known, the ELF lost its armed struggle in the 1980s under the attack of EPLF and TPLF. Its destruction was a plan of conspiracy coalition of the EPLF and TPLF. Both EPLF and TPLF underwent an illogic periodical relationship, ill-planned political game and gain, il

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• e late 2005 the EPM was split because of the rift between Adhanom Gebremariam and Abdella Adem . who were both member of the same organisation EPLF during the armed struggle and then member of the PFDJ until the left the PFDJ in the early 2000s.

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• d hope of the Eritrean people. The movement achieved its goals because it wasn’t politically motivated; the message was based on the premise that the “Eritrean Armed Struggle” was ignited to defeat the colonial power and liberate Eritrea. It was a historic national call to rise collectively as one people against the imperial army. And it succeeded.

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• Although the Moslem-Christian schism and ethnic rivalries resurfaced in the course of the armed struggle in the late1960s and 1970s, this brief period of reconciliation in the 1950s was never forgotten, becoming part of the reinvigorated social foundation of a pluralist Eritrea. Mahber Shew'ate (Union of Seven) played a big role in the rebirth of Eritrean nationalism 1950s and early 1960s.

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• The students protest against the violation of political rights in the 1950s continued throughout the armed struggle, and thousands student and other professionals actively participated in the national liberation struggle who greatly contributed for the achievement victory in 1991. Regarding this Nunu Kidane states that the Eritrean diasporic community was highly supportive of the struggle at home,

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• ith all the trapping of the present and always bumping on and off into the past as it happened recently with the history of “Awate the Patriot” who started our armed struggle. No one in our history as an individual or as a group is immune from being investigated to have the full picture of our history. No one is. But also no one will change by his own will, in commemorating of Sept. 1st and Awate

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• kistan, Abdu Mohammed Bekri Heji (Abdu Heji) has been arrested by the dictatorial PFDJ regime, according to sources. The veteran Eritrean journalist during the armed struggle for independence, who also served as

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• The Eritrean armed struggle has its share of mysterious occurrences that to this day remain little told and little known to many of us. One of such perceived occurrences that continue to adversely affect mutual trust and reconciliation among many forces and segments in the society is the alleged killing by the ELF in the late 1960s of up to 150 Eritrean youth from Kebessa. The incident under revie

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• ruggle full-time due to the prevailing conditions in Eritrea and particularly the secession of the Peoples Forces (from the ELF) and the intensification of the armed struggle. Although many Eritreans had to sacrifice their pursuit of higher education and Naizghi was not different, there are, however, few things that made the late Naizghi Kflu stand out from his cohorts.

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• a federation between the two countries. In 1962, however, Ethiopia annexed Eritrea, stripping its language, culture and ability to self-govern. A decades-long armed struggle for independence followed, and tens of thousands of men and women, including my uncle, lost their lives as resistance fighters to win back Eritrea’s sovereignty.

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• Marxist doctrine advocating the end of oppression and the transformation of society. Lenin was able to symbolize the struggle of the colonized people and many armed struggle adopted the ideology to achieve social and political liberation. The pioneer university students started off as an underground study group nick named the crocodile. Among the prominent leaders was Berhane Meskel Redda, from T

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• border areas. My activities were closely coordinated with the Beja Relief Organization (BRO), a humanitarian Branch of the Beja Congress that was carrying out armed struggle against the Sudanese government in the area in alliance with other armed Sudanese factions such the SPLA and SAF (Sudanese Allied Forces). BRO and the government of Eritrea had made repeated urgent appeals for assistance of t

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• Said Abdulhai was arrested 04/2010. The reasons of his arrest are not yet known.Said Abdulhai is a veteran of the armed struggle for independence, and he was one of the founders of the media department during the post-independence years.read more . He was also an official Department of Press and Publications and the Eritrean News Agency في وزارة الإعلام وهو منصب يتم تعيينه من قبل مكتب الرئيس مباشر

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• On the occasion of the commemoration of the 50 anniversary of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation, this paper argues that the Eritrean people's struggle for liberation was not started 50 years ago on 1st September 1961 but in 1958. Even though the ELF and EPLF leaders have tried to persuade the public that the Eritrean struggle started on 1st of September 1961, by commemora

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• isn’t a true representative of the entire picture of the alleged practices and causes of the “religion and ethnicity in Eritrean politics” during and after the armed struggle for independence. Ammar didn’t even remotely attempt to refer to the circumstances under which Hizbawi Hailtat (Popular Liberation Forces, PLF) was forced to split in the 70s. How cynical, irresponsible, and political can you

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• ibing the illegal annexation of Eritrea by Ethiopia and that the Eritrean people facing brutal suppression by the Haile Selassie government and had launched an armed struggle to make their country free. Many copies were printed and made ready for distribution. “At that time, African Foreign ministers were meeting at Africa Hall (ECA) and Kidane’s Plan was to distribute the document there. Mr. Grad

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• e also asking him whether he knows Hamid Idris Awate better than those Kunama people and, for that matter, even the very beginning of, “Eritrea's launch of the armed struggle”, that he could, not only prove the Kunama people wrong, but also that Hamid Idris Awate was the true beginner of the Eritrean “armed struggle”. What are his true sources of information and of historical value on which he cou

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• te the Eritrean people through power struggle that can lead to a civil war as it happened in Lebanon and else where. As every Eritrean knows that, the Eritrean armed struggle started by the hero Hamed Idris Awate, and the initiators of the struggle were the late Idris Mohamed Adem Idris Galadius, Salih Hummed, these people have never claimed that the organisation they. started has to be under thei

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• was founded in 1960, and started the armed national resistance against Ethiopian aggression in 1961. The founding leadership called the Supreme Council led the armed struggle till the convening of the military conference of Adobha in August 1969 where a provisional military leadership called the General Command was elected. The ELF experienced in 1970 very sensitive developments that led to the cr

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• nts, his front took all of the burdens of military fighting against Ethiopia, because of the 65,000 that have paid with their lives for independence during the armed struggle, about 58,000 - 59,000 could be from the EPLF alone.

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• Mariam Debre Sina 30 July - 7 August Festival Eritrea Asmara Expo (one week) 11 August Debre Bizen Abune Libanos 1 September Anniversary of the Start of the Armed Struggle 11 September Keddus Yohannes (Geez New Year) 27 September Meskel (Finding of the True Cross) 11 November Nidget of Saint Georghis Orthodox Church (Gejeret) 21 November Nidget Saint Michaels Orthodox Church (Tseserat)

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• culturally prohibited from the kinds of jobs that might give them self-sufficiency such as trading and farming. Women were not allowed to own land. During the armed struggle the EPLF strived to bring equality between men and women. The Eritrean revolution was supposed to be not only for independence from Ethiopian rule but also against traditional laws that oppressed women. However, after indepen

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• ndependence bolc and later the conference for peace between the UP and ML after the federal act later the trend of such unity efforts were practised during the armed struggle at Weki Zager bringing together the two main streams political organizations/ ELF and EPLF was our people’s wish and will but this failed because of incompetent leaders of that time.

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• er revolutionary leaders who are in leadership within EDA and outside to take a step forward to acknowledge the crimes they committed or colluded in during the armed struggle before holding the July conference in 2010 in Addis Abeba, Ethiopia. Ibrahim Mohammed Ali (2004) who reviewed Eritrean history of the past 60 years, in his article made a personal call on every Eritrean political figure “ to

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• ration Front, 1982: 72). Furthermore, according to the ELF (sep.1977) report an estimated number of 40,000 civilians were massacred during the six years of the armed struggle. Over 1,500 villages were given to flames, 3,000 forced-settlers were created

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• ome level of cultural integration among the Eritrean population. Dimtsi HafaSh was particularly important in mobilising the whole society to participate in the armed struggle for independence.

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• created and systematically reproduced. As the minister of defence said: ‘It is through the NS that we intend to transfer the noble values developed during the armed struggle –steadfastness and dedication – to coming generations’ (Ephrem 1995). The graduates of Sawa are called Warsai, which in Tigrinya means heir or one who inherits the legacy of the struggle. The Yikaalo (former EPLF fighters) are

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• “The Nationalist Revolution in Eritrea”, Journal of Modern African Studies, 26:1 (1988). 1 September 1961 is conventionally regarded as the beginning of the armed struggle. 16 When the ELM decided to change its tactics and launch its own armed struggle, in 1965, it was violently crushed by the ELF. Iyob, Eritrean Struggle, op. cit., p. 98. 17 D. Pool, From Guerrillas to Government: the Erit

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• t the theme of this title. Post-independence discussions among Eritreans occasionally dwelt on the issue of taboos and how we handled them during the years of armed struggle. Some said we were exaggerating. Consider the efforts one made to never ask a friend's place of origin. In other instances, fighters would refrain from talking in mother tongues other than the relatively major languages. Rela

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• e example: Mehari tells me that a young man named Dejen Ande Hishel, an ex-student who grew up in the Revolutionary School [a school run by the EPLF during the armed struggle] and who was later a Mig-29 pilot and instructor after independence, was picked by two men from his work on March 18, 1999. Until July 2002, no one knew his whereabouts. He repeatedly asked [his jailers] what his crime was, w

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• field, (4) political support to the struggle, (5) material support to the fighters in the field and (6) encouraging and preparing Eritreans abroad to join the armed struggle. Thus EFLNA sought to encourage members to fully commit themselves to work for the national liberation struggle in whatever ways necessary (pp. 17-18).

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• Not long ago, Saleh Younis lamented the purge of fellow leaders of the Eritrean armed struggle by Isaias Afewerki (George Washington and some of the Founders of the American revolution were mentioned as the opposite example), whom he considered as a liberator. Outraged some of his fellow columnists either critiqued him or asked him to retract his statement. Recently another compatriot said that, h

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• , Having disagreed with the present policies of the Eritrean government does NOT give you the right to undermine the Eritrean people who, 1. WAGED 30 YEARS OF ARMED STRUGGLE, 2. PAYED OVER 100,000 MARTYERS, 3. DEFEATED TWO SUPER POWERS, 4. CAPTURED RUSSIAN & ETHIOPIAN WAR GENERALS, 5. SAVED OVER A MILLION REFFUGGEES & WAR VETERANS, 6. BUILT & REBUILT, RESSURECTING A WAR TORN NATION IN TO A VIABLE

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• But to let the people who actually committed the crimes freely roam the streets; those who killed during our armed struggle and make Naizghi the scapegoat is tantamount to exonerating them or giving them impunity and defaming Naizghi for something that he had nothing to do with.

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• forces in 1991 from Eritrea; and based on the belief that liber ation has been achieved through the contributions of all national forces dur ing the years of armed struggle; four Eritrean opposition organizations: the ELF, ELF the National Council , ELF the United Organization, the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement issued a memorandum of political declarati on. The memorandum called on the E

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• During the armed struggle EPLF was lucky in attracting the lion’s share of University students from inside and outside Eritrea. But most of them perished without fulfilling their potential that could have benefited us all. There were certain positions that were off limits if someone has a university education. One cannot become a political commissar and of course one cannot become a military comma

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• 11/433, pp. 90-100. 45 HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH | SEPTEMBER 2011 Conclusion In 1991 Eritrea achieved independence with high hopes after over 20 years of armed struggle. The fight for independence, a foreign observer wrote in 1977, was “a social revolution to recast their nation into a unified, egalitarian and just one.” As a result, “Eritrea was born as a democratic multicultural nation.

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• s purged and executed along with Solomon. Here, I will say, in parenthesis, that it is time that someone armed with all the facts write about this dark side of armed struggle” Habte Selalse, Bereket, 2007:p317)

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• As we celebrate the 40th anniversary of our armed struggle, we duly pay tribute to all men and woman martyrs who paid their levies, the most precious thing a human being can offer, for our cause, our national aspirations and dreams.

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• Despite the ELF in its publication of 16 years of armed struggle states that the ELF introduced a new strategy of dividing the army into 5 military zones was to confront the counter-insurgency commandos (ELF 1977:38). However the true story was to control these conflicts which might be triggered between the old and new political trends.

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• Armed struggle is a protracted process; its outcome is uncertain and its aftermath in human and material costs is incalculable. The Eritrean peasants, the backbone of the struggle who bore the brunt of the atrocities, fought not because of some idealistic belief in some abstract collectivity but because the existing desperation and deprivation convinced them that the future will be better than the

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• r, stem from a place called Hishkeb. One can imagine how hostile life was in these inhospitable surroundings of Sahel which were literally war zones during the armed struggle. Actually, I barely retained significant memories of Ararb, Hishkeb and other camps and battle grounds such as Anberber, She’eb and Arag where so many stories of heroism remain buried. I always struggle whenever I try to revi

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• olved the Federation of Ethiopia and Eritrea in November 1962, in violation of UN Resolution 390. After returning to Eritrea, Andemichael attempted to join the armed struggle by contacting Ato Yemane Kaselayo, a representative of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). However, his recruitment was ultimately unsuccessful. Subsequently, he applied for a job at the library of the Eritrean Parliament. A

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• olved the Federation of Ethiopia and Eritrea in November 1962, in violation of UN Resolution 390. After returning to Eritrea, Andemichael attempted to join the armed struggle by contacting Ato Yemane Kaselayo, a representative of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF). However, his recruitment was ultimately unsuccessful. Subsequently, he applied for a job at the library of the Eritrean Parliament. A

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• han 3 hours about my life history and asked me if I was a member of ELF at any time of my life; to which I replied; ?yes, I was a member in the past during the armed struggle but at this juncture of my life I do not belong to any political organization.?

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• Education started to go into reverse with the beginning of the armed struggle but got much worse during the armed struggle and since independence in 2001.

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• ministration, my father and my mother Ghidey Fessaha (Ghandi) left to Humera and started an agriculture enterprise. After a period of time my father joined the armed struggle and got martyred in the battle of Massawa in 1978. 2 pictures below are taken when my father arrived home after being released from jail, 29th of March 1966. The profile photo is the last picture taken before he martyred,

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• In this 47th year of commemoration of the beginning of the armed struggle for national liberation, this paper argues that the Eritrean struggle for liberation was not started 47 years ago on 1st September 1961 but 50 years ago in 1958 when the Eritrean flag was lowered and only the Ethiopian flag was permitted, and political rights and civil liberties came to an end in 1958 in violation of the of

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• ring the heavily promoted celebrations, neither the government officials in their speeches, nor the state media mentioned General Uqbe’s name. A veteran of the armed struggle who participated in the two major battles that led to the victory over Wikaw Iz said, “it is odd. In fact it is a betrayal and deceitful to celebrate the victory of Wikaw Iz without mentioning General Uqbe.”

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/wuka.php

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• local villain and an “ordinary shifta” ... Hamid Idris Awate, for the Kunama people and, removed from his alleged connection with the beginning of the Eritrean armed struggle, was and remains a local villain, a murderer, “an ordinary shifta”, a cattle raider and a criminal element ...” (“Does Mr. Saleh AA Younis know of Hamid Idris Awate better than the Kunama people?” May 28, 2009)

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/kunama.php

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• The three ELF leaders Idris Mohammed Adam, Idris Osman Geladewos and Osman Saleh Sabbe began to lead an armed struggle by remote control from Cairo ( Mengesteab 2005; Gebre-Medhin 1989). Since formation of the ELF in July 1960, the ELF leaders instead of working with the ELM for the interest of the Eritrean people against a common enemy, but they launched a campaign of denunciation against the E

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/1960.php

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• Among the founders were: Mohammed Saleh Hommad, Said Hussein, Taha Mohammed Nour and Said Ahmed Mohammed Hashim and others. Unlike the ELM, the ELF called for armed struggle as the only way to stop Ethiopia form swallowing Eritrea. Idris Glaidos was chosen by his comrades as the first secretary of the Supreme Council of the ELF. The well know nationalist leader and ex- president of the Eritrean p

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/IDRIS%20GLAIDOS.htm

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• rom the streets of Asmara. His whereabouts are still unknown, but security officers searched his house after they arrested him. Omaro is a veteran of Eritrea’s armed struggle and a co-founder of EPLF, now PFDJ, Eritrea’s ruling (and sole legal) party.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/omaro1.php

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• on forces in 1991 from Eritrea; and based on the belief that liberation has been achieved through the contributions of all national forces during the years of armed struggle; four Eritrean opposition organizations: the ELF, ELF the National Council , ELF the United Organization, the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement issued a memorandum of political declaration. The memorandum called on the EPLF t

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/boycot.php

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• experience, the mere fact of roaming around with arms and sporadic shootings, if unaccompanied by a clear political direction, is vain and futile. That the armed struggle which started in1961 had no political direction and did not take into account the objective conditions in the country has been commented upon by many Eritreans. The Eritreans who founded "Jebha' proclaimed the advent of the

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/Nhnan%20Elamanan%20&%20Comments.pdf

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• eserved for ages. Currently this positive social understanding of education seems to be turning around and assuming a new ungrateful course. During Eritrea’s armed struggle era, Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) has espoused and inculcated, in the ranks and files, a venomous idea that relatively educated people are opportunists. Hence, should not be allowed to surface in the overall mana

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/ed.php

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• z.” The event (March 17, 1998) passed without any sort of celebration or even mention. I argued that it was the greatest victory that changed the course of our armed struggle and we should have honored it. The fact that Massawa’s ‘Fenkil’ was garnering all the attention each and every year has got to do more with the bathing suit and extra cash the national tourists were taking along with the

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/Eritr.pdf

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• who joined with high revolutionary aspirations and clear vision to see a future democratic Eritrea based upon freedom and equality. As a consequence during the armed struggle both EPLF and ELF leaders who did not want to hear about freedom and justice used violence to eliminate those who challenged them by labelling them as regionalists, ultra-leftists, spies etc Many educated fighters from both F

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/dehab2.php

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• Said Abdulhai was arrested 04/2010. The reasons of his arrest are not yet known.Said Abdulhai is a veteran of the armed struggle for independence, and he was one of the founders of the media department during the post-independence years.read more . He was also an official Department of Press and Publications and the Eritrean News Agency في وزارة الإعلام وهو منصب يتم تعيينه من قبل مكتب الرئيس مباشر

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/prisonersjornals.php

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• He was politically active since early age. In 1972, when he was just 15 years old, he went with Mesfin Tedla Ogbit and Yonas Afworki to Tessenei to join the armed struggle, but they were arrested near the Sudanese border. Ejel Abdulrahman, who was the district officer there, intervened and they were released on bail. He had to go back to Asmara and pursued his studies. He was recruited by the EPLF

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/jel.php

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• *-- Majority of the Eritrean Kunama were not in line with the Eritrean armed struggle if not against. Because ELF intervened in the Kunama vs Benamer conflict.

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• a federation between the two countries. In 1962, however, Ethiopia annexed Eritrea, stripping its language, culture and ability to self-govern. A decades-long armed struggle for independence followed, and tens of thousands of men and women, including my uncle, lost their lives as resistance fighters to win back Eritrea’s sovereignty.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/solomea.php

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• Mr. Zarai Haile is one of the freedom fighters-photographers during the armed struggle for liberation period. The valiant photographers and fighters of the time sacrificed their blood and toil to document the bravery and extraordinary feats of their fellow fighters. Mr. Zarai was head of the cinema unit of the EPLF from 1983 – 1991 and had been present in almost all major wars at that time as a ca

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/searchUI.htm

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• l condition for victory, prosperity, peace and progress both in the on-going stage of national democratic revolution where the Eritrean people are conducting armed struggle as well as later; Rejecting all lines that employ unpatriotic and divisive narrow tendencies, their protagonists, and the machinations and pressures of external forces made in collusion to reinforce fragmentation; A c

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/EPLF%20unity%20declaration%201982.pdf

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• ized parties and elected representatives in the forties and fifties of the last century. Moreover, they have three-decades worth of experience in political and armed struggle. Our people are not apprentices in democracy and free press. Depicting Eritreans as seasonal fashion riders is an act of debasing them.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/brus.php

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• rom the streets of Asmara. His whereabouts are still unknown, but security officers searched his house after they arrested him. Omaro is a veteran of Eritrea’s armed struggle and a co-founder of EPLF, now PFDJ, Eritrea’s ruling (and sole legal) party.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/omaro.php

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• This period of division in the history of the Eritrean armed struggle (1965-1968) is called Zemene Kiflitat. Based on territorial division, Chekini who was from Senhit became the political commissioner of Zone Two which represented Sahel and Senhit, the commander of this zone was Omer Hamed Ezaz from Bilen Bet Tawqe family in Hal-Hal.

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• struggle for decolonisation didn’t cease. In fact the fight for independence, political and civil rights intensified. An example is the Eritrean people waging armed struggle for independence, following Emperor Haile Selassie unilaterally abolishing Eritrea’s federal status in 1962.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/ama.php

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• .com.ar Programa Africa Subsahariana Ethiopia without the United Nations taking action to defend its own resolution or the people of Eritrea. In 1961, an armed struggle for liberation began and lasted for thirty years. On 24 May 1991 the thirty-year war co ncluded with a victory of the Eritrean people. In May 1993, Eritrea declared its independence following an internationally supervised

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/univasmra.pdf

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• With the inception of the Eritrean armed struggle (in 1961), student activism took two forms: 1) those operating by exiled student chapters in Egypt and the Middle East, who were providing financial support and remote guidance to the struggle, and 2) those operating inside Eritrea and Ethiopia, who were secretly facilitating the flow of urban youths and intelligence to the field. In the successive

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• anization, whose leaders were given government and military posts. Others, such as the ELF-Revolutionary Council, remained in opposition - some launching a new armed struggle from bases in Sudan, others engaging solely in political opposition in exile.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/Eritreadetentio.htm

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• the ELF and EPLF leaders tried to persuade the public that the Eritrean struggle was started on 1st of September 1961 by the ELF, through commemoration of the armed struggle for national liberation every year on 1st September, the Eritrean people's struggle for independence goes back to the flourishing of the Eritrean political parties in the 1940s, and in the 1950s with the emergence of the foll

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• and both of them sent a message of unity and reconciliation to the Eritrean Liberation Army. This period (1965-1968) of division in the history of the Eritrean armed struggle is called Zemene Kiflitat

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/AFTER65.htm

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• Among the founders were: Mohammed Saleh Hommad, Said Hussein, Taha Mohammed Nour and Said Ahmed Mohammed Hashim and others. Unlike the ELM, the ELF called for armed struggle as the only way to stop Ethiopia form swallowing Eritrea. Idris Glaidos was chosen by his comrades as the first secretary of the Supreme Council of the ELF. The well know nationalist leader and ex- president of the Eritrean p

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/alah.htm

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• ranks. What would the RabiTa look like without giants such as Kebire? This flaw leaks further into the document leading its authors into dividing the Eritrean armed struggle into two phases. In the first phase, lowlanders are the only characters in the show until the end of the 1960s. In the second phase, lowlanders hand over everything to Tigrigna highlanders and disappear from the scene camping

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• er his chairmanship, and personally asked Hamid Idris Awate, who belonged to the same ethnic group (on his mother's side) and was related to him, to launch the armed struggle. He recruited fighters from the ranks of Eritreans who were soldiers of the Sudanese Army. [21] These guerillas were mostly from his ethnic group the Beni Amer, who served in the Sudanese army. The bond between them was eithe

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/PARTE3.html

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• A network of robbers linked to international organized crime. The names of the most dangerous traffickers and their links with armed struggle organizations. An appeal to the governments of the Republic of Egypt, the Palestinian territories, the United Nations, the International Criminal Court, the authorities of Israel, Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Libya, Tunisia, and those of Dubai, Saudi Arabia,

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/reporty.php

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• ile Selassie, but Eritrea and Ethiopia were linked through a federal system, under the sovereignty of the emperor. Eritreans resisted Ethiopian rule and began armed struggle for their independence in 1958. The Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (EIJM) began activity in 1975 when a group of Islamist-minded guerillas split off from the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) that had been fighting sinc

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/EJIM.pdf

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• Towards Unity in Diversity by DAVID POOL published in 1997 Minority Rights Group International Neither the ELF nor the EPLF tolerated opposition during the armed struggle. With the disintegration of the ELF into factions some of the latter joined the EPLF during the 1980s. After liberation, the EPLF’s criteria for the return of members of opposing fronts and factions was that they were wel

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• In response to that half a century ago Eritrea started an armed struggle led by Hamid Idris Awate, who was a local outlaw “shifta”, engaged in cattle raiding and rustling. Awate was a criminal and is well remembered by his victims the Kunamas (indigenous people living in south Western Eritrea) for committing atrocious crimes against them and the indiscriminate killing of women and children includi

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/misery.php

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• ian security forces inflicted a heavy blow on the ELM. Consequently the plan was abandoned. Afterwards, toward the mid-1960s, the ELM attempted to undertake armed struggle. However, by the time the movement started to establish military units, the initiative had already been taken by another, rival organisation, the E ritrean Liberation Front.

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• ? Many readers find it easier to relate to somebody who went to school with them or somebody they know. Can you mention some individuals (that later joined the armed struggle) who attended Leul Mekonen with you?

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• im Mohammed Ali (the current ELF-RC chairman) and Ibrahim Toteel, Nhnan Elamanan rightly criticized the lack of well-studied programme for the launching of the armed struggle. The fighters' movement inside Eritrea and the sister reformist group in the Sudan were harassed by the leadership which did not identify its enemies to be "Christians" only. But the message of Nhnan Elamanan denied the reali

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/Nhnan%20ElamMessage.htm

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• ndependence bolc and later the conference for peace between the UP and ML after the federal act later the trend of such unity efforts were practised during the armed struggle at Weki Zager bringing together the two main streams political organizations/ ELF and EPLF was our people’s wish and will but this failed because of incompetent leaders of that time.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/FN.PHP

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• The Eritrean armed struggle was launched on September 1, 1961 by a notorious shifta (bandit), Hamid Idris Awate. Hamid Idris Awate was from Gash Barka Region. He served in the Italian army but when the Italian army was defeated in 1941, he went back home to his village. Sooner in the 1940s he became a great shifta leader. During the British administration, banditry was wide spread in Eritrea resul

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• for the safety of her children. She was a very courageous, decent, and patriotic mother. Understandably, her children (and later her grandchildren) joined the armed struggle–no exception, all of them. She was hailed by many as a symbol of the struggle and the pride of all women.

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• t and glorifying the leader takes precedence over acknowledging past mistakes and redressing legitimate grievances. The crimes committed in the duration of the armed struggle are compounded by urban terror: more prisoners, more jails, more disapperados, more killing and further national dislocation. The revolution is still devouring its children under the command and control the same tyrant who ha

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/year20.php

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• In 1967 Ibrahim Afa joined the revolution from Massaw where he was a cadet in the Ethiopian navy. During the armed struggle Ibrahim and other fighters went to Cuba in 1968 only a year after Guevara's death.

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  Source: http://www.ehrea.org/AFA.php