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Flygtningenævnet
St. Kongensgade 1-3
DK-1264 København K
Telefon +45 3392 9600
Fax +45 3391 9400
E-mail fln@inm.dk
www.fln.dk
136
Flygtningenævnets baggrundsmateriale
Bilagsnr.: 136
Land: Eritrea
Kilde: British Home Office
Titel: Country of Origin Information Report
Udgivet: 17. august 2011
Optaget på
baggrundsmaterialet: 25. august 2011
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ERITREA
COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT
COI Service
17 August 2011
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ERITREA 17 AUGUST 2011
ii The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 July 2011. Further
brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
Contents
Preface
Latest News
EVENTS IN ERITREA FROM 15 JULY 2011 TO 17 AUGUST 2011
Useful news sources for further information
Paragraphs
Background Information
1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01
Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.04
2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01
3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. 3.01
From British rule to national independence (1949 to 1993) .............................. 3.01
Domestic political developments (1991 to 1997) ............................................... 3.04
International and domestic developments (1998 to March 2011) ..................... 3.08
4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (APRIL 2011 - AUGUST 2011) ............................................. 4.01
Protests in Ethiopia ............................................................................................. 4.01
International relations .......................................................................................... 4.03
Narbo volcanic eruption ...................................................................................... 4.06
5. CONSTITUTION .......................................................................................................... 5.01
6. POLITICAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................... 6.01
Human Rights
7. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 7.01
8. SECURITY FORCES .................................................................................................... 8.01
Police ..................................................................................................................... 8.01
Armed forces ........................................................................................................ 8.02
Human rights violations by government forces ................................................ 8.04
Arbitrary arrest and detention ............................................................................. 8.04
Torture ................................................................................................................ 8.06
Extra-judicial killings ........................................................................................... 8.10
Avenues of complaint .......................................................................................... 8.13
9. NATIONAL SERVICE ................................................................................................... 9.01
General background ............................................................................................. 9.01
National Service Proclamation 82/1995 .............................................................. 9.04
National service in practice ................................................................................. 9.16
Payment for national service ............................................................................... 9.23
Penalties for evading national service ............................................................... 9.26
Legal penalties ................................................................................................... 9.26
Punishment of relatives of national service evaders........................................... 9.29
Round-ups (Giffas) ............................................................................................... 9.33
Authorised leave................................................................................................... 9.38
Conscientious objection ...................................................................................... 9.39
Students and conscription .................................................................................. 9.41
Exemptions ........................................................................................................... 9.44
Exemption of women .......................................................................................... 9.45
Exemption on medical grounds .......................................................................... 9.46 PDF page 4
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iii
Exemption of religious clerics ............................................................................. 9.49
Detention of national service conscripts ........................................................... 9.51
Demobilisation ...................................................................................................... 9.53
10. JUDICIARY ................................................................................................................ 10.01
Organisation ......................................................................................................... 10.01
Independence ....................................................................................................... 10.04
Fair trial ................................................................................................................. 10.05
11. ARREST AND DETENTION - LEGAL RIGHTS ................................................................... 11.01
12. PRISON AND DETENTION CENTRE CONDITIONS ............................................................. 12.01
Location of prisons and detention centres ........................................................ 12.06
13. DEATH PENALTY ....................................................................................................... 13.01
14. POLITICAL AFFILIATION.............................................................................................. 14.01
Freedom of political expression.......................................................................... 14.01
Freedom of association and assembly ............................................................... 14.03
Opposition groups and political activists .......................................................... 14.04
15. FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND MEDIA ............................................................................... 15.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 15.01
Media organisations ............................................................................................. 15.05
Internet .................................................................................................................. 15.06
Journalists ............................................................................................................ 15.07
16. HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS, ORGANISATIONS AND ACTIVISTS .................................... 16.01
17. CORRUPTION ............................................................................................................ 17.01
18. FREEDOM OF RELIGION .............................................................................................. 18.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 18.01
Religious demography ......................................................................................... 18.02
Restrictions ........................................................................................................... 18.03
Christian Pentecostals and Evangelicals ........................................................... 18.06
Jehovah‟s Witnesses ........................................................................................... 18.14
Muslims ................................................................................................................. 18.16
19. ETHNIC GROUPS ....................................................................................................... 19.01
Languages ............................................................................................................ 19.03
Government and societal attitudes ..................................................................... 19.06
20. LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL AND TRANSGENDER PERSONS .............................................. 20.01
21. WOMEN ................................................................................................................... 21.01
Legal rights ........................................................................................................... 21.01
Political rights ....................................................................................................... 21.02
Social and economic rights ................................................................................. 21.04
Violence against women ...................................................................................... 21.14
National service .................................................................................................. 21.17
Protection ........................................................................................................... 21.21
Reproductive health and rights ........................................................................... 21.24
22. CHILDREN ................................................................................................................ 22.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 22.01
Basic legal information ........................................................................................ 22.03
Legal rights ........................................................................................................... 22.04
Violence against children .................................................................................... 22.05
Female genital mutilation ................................................................................ 22.07
Child labour ..................................................................................................... 22.12
Sexual abuse ................................................................................................... 22.14
Education .............................................................................................................. 22.15
Health and welfare ................................................................................................ 22.19 PDF page 5
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ERITREA 17 AUGUST 2011
iv The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 July 2011. Further
brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
23. TRAFFICKING ............................................................................................................ 23.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 23.01
Government efforts to tackle trafficking ............................................................ 23.02
24. MEDICAL ISSUES ....................................................................................................... 24.01
Overview of availability of medical treatment and drugs .................................. 24.01
HIV/AIDS – anti-retroviral treatment .................................................................... 24.04
Dialysis .................................................................................................................. 24.07
Mental health ........................................................................................................ 24.08
25. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT ........................................................................................... 25.01
26. CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONALITY .................................................................................. 26.01
Ethiopians in Eritrea ............................................................................................. 26.08
27. IDENTITY CARDS AND DOCUMENTATION ....................................................................... 27.01
28. EXIT AND RETURN ..................................................................................................... 28.01
Passport applications .......................................................................................... 28.01
Exit visas and illegal exit ..................................................................................... 28.04
Requirement to pay income tax .......................................................................... 28.11
Failed asylum seekers and refugees .................................................................. 28.12
Annexes
Annex A – Chronology of major events
Annex B – Political organisations
Annex C – Prominent people
Annex D – List of abbreviations
Annex E – References to source material PDF page 6
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5
Preface
i This Country of Origin Information (COI) Report has been produced by the COI Service,
United Kingdom Border Agency (UKBA), for use by officials involved in the
asylum/human rights determination process. The Report provides general background
information about the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims
made in the United Kingdom. The main body of the report includes information available
up to 14 July 2011. The „Latest News‟ section contains further brief information on
events and reports accessed from 15 July to 17 August 2011. The report was issued on
17 August 2011.
ii The Report is compiled wholly from material produced by a wide rang e of external
information sources and does not contain any UKBA opinion or policy. All information in
the Report is attributed, throughout the text, to the original source material, which is
made available to those working in the asylum/human rights determination process.
iii The Report aims to provide a compilation of extracts from the source material identified,
focusing on the main issues raised in asylum and human rights applications. In some
sections where the topics covered arise infrequently in asyl um/human rights claims only
web links may be provided. It is not intended to be a detailed or comprehensive survey.
For a more detailed account, the relevant source documents should be examined
directly.
iv The structure and format of the Report reflects the way it is used by UKBA decision
makers and appeals presenting officers, who require quick electronic access to
information on specific issues and use the contents page to go directly to the subject
required. Key issues are usually covered in some depth within a dedicated section, but
may also be referred to briefly in several other sections. Some repetition is therefore
inherent in the structure of the Report.
v The information included in this Report is limited to that which can be identified from
source documents. While every effort is made to cover all relevant aspects of a
particular topic it is not always possible to obtain the information concerned. For this
reason, it is important to note that information included in the Report should not be
taken to imply anything beyond what is actually stated. For example, if it is stated that a
particular law has been passed, this should not be taken to imply that it has been
effectively implemented unless stated. Similarly, the absence of information does not
necessarily mean that, for example, a particular event or action did not occur.
vi As noted above, the Report is a compilation of extracts produced by a number of
information sources. In compiling the Report no attempt has been made to resolve
discrepancies between information provided in different source documents though COI
Service will bring the discrepancies together and aim to provide a range of sources,
where available, to ensure that a balanced picture is presented. For example, different
source documents often contain different versions of names and spellings of individuals,
places and political parties, etc. Reports do not aim to bring consistency of spelling but
to reflect faithfully the spellings used in the original source documents. Similarly , figures
given in different source documents sometimes vary and these are simply quoted as per
the original text. The term „sic‟ has been used in this document only to denote incorrect
spellings or typographical errors in quoted text; its use is not inten ded to imply any
comment on the content of the material. PDF page 7
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ERITREA 17 AUGUST 2011
6 The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 July 2011. Further
brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
vii The Report is based substantially upon source documents issued during the previous
two years. However, some older source documents may have been included because
they contain relevant informatio n not available in more recent documents. All sources
contain information considered relevant at the time this Report was issued.
viii This Report and the accompanying source material are public documents. All Reports
are published on the UKBA website and the great majority of the source material for the
Report is readily available in the public domain. Where the source documents identified
are available in electronic form, the relevant weblink has been included, together with
the date that the link was accessed. Copies of less accessible source documents, such
as those provided by government offices or subscription services, are available from
COI Service upon request.
ix Reports are published regularly on the top 20 asylum intake countries. Reports on
countries outside the top 20 countries may also be p roduced if there is a particular
operational need. UKBA officials also have constant access to an information request
service for specific enquiries.
x In producing this Report, COI Service has sought to provide an accurate, up to date,
balanced and impartial compilation of extracts of the available source material. Any
comments regarding this Report or suggestions for additional source material are very
welcome and should be submitted to COI Service as below.
Country of Origin Information Service
UK Border Agency
St Anne House
20-26 Wellesley Road
Croydon, CR0 9XB
United Kingdom
Email: cois@homeoffice.gsi.gov.uk
Website: http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/policyandlaw/guidance/coi/
INDEPENDENT ADVISORY GROUP ON COUNTRY INFORMATION
xi The Independent Advisory Group on Country Information (IAGCI) was set up in March
2009 by the Independent Chief Inspector of the UK Border Agency to make
recommendations to him about the content of the UKBA‟s COI material. The IAGCI
welcomes feedback on UKBA‟s COI Reports and other COI material. Information about
the IAGCI‟s work can be found on t he Independent Chief Inspector‟s website at
http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
xii In the course of its work the IAGCI reviews the content of selected UKBA COI
documents and makes recommendations specific to those documen ts and of a more
general nature. A list of the Reports and other documents which have been reviewed by
the IAGCI or the Advisory Panel on Country Information (the independent organisation
which monitored UKBA‟s COI material from September 2003 to October 2 008) is
available at http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
xiii Please note: it is not the function of the IAGCI to endorse any UKBA material or
procedures. Some of the material examined by the Group relates to countries
designated or proposed for designation to the Non -Suspensive Appeals (NSA) list. In
such cases, the Group‟s work should not be taken to imply any endorsement of the PDF page 8
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7
decision or proposal to designate a particular country for NSA, nor of the NSA process
itself. The IAGCI can be contacted at:
Independent Advisory Group on Country Information
Independent Chief Inspector of the UK Border Agency
5th Floor, Globe House
89 Eccleston Square
London, SW1V 1PN
Email: chiefinspectorukba@icinspector.gsi.gov.uk
Website: http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
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ERITREA 17 AUGUST 2011
8 The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 July 2011. Further
brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
Latest News
EVENTS IN ERITREA FROM 15 JULY 2011 TO 17 AUGUST 2011
THE LATEST NEWS PROVIDES A NON-EXHAUSTIVE SELECTION OF SIGNIFICANT EVENTS
SINCE 15 JULY 2011.
Further information may also be available from the list of useful sources below.
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
2 August Eritrea‟s neighbours are considering its request to rejoin the East African body,
the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The country that
currently chairs IGAD is Ethiopia - other members are Kenya, Uganda, Djibouti,
Sudan and Somalia. The process of rejoining IGAD is reported to be in its early
stages. Eritrea withdrew from IGAD in 2007 after the body backed Ethiopia‟s
intervention to oust an Islamist militia force from power in Mogadishu.
BBC News Online
Eritrea seeks to rejoin East African body Igad, 2 August 2011
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-14370257
Date accessed 4 August 2011
30 July The United Nations, Red Cross and other organisations have appealed to the
Eritrean government to carry out a joint assessment of the impact of the Horn of
Africa drought crisis on Eritrea. These organisations believe there is a food
shortage problem in Eritrea but lack detailed information about this. The
Eritrean government has, so far, denied that the country is suffering from food
shortages.
Ethiopian Review
Fears that Eritrea may be hiding its famine victims from the world, 30 July 2011
http://www.ethiopianreview.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=29788
Date accessed 5 August 2011
28 July The United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea stated that the
Eritrean regime has been involved in supporting insurgent forces in Sudan,
Ethiopia, Somalia and Djibouti. This support is in the form of training, financial
and logistical assistance, and is in direct violation of United Nations Security
Council resolution 1907, made in 2009.
Awate
Monitoring Group Finds The Smoking Gun On Eritrean Regime, 28 July 2011
http://awate.com/monitoring-group-finds-the-smoking-gun-on-eritrean-regime/
Date accessed 4 August 2011
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9
USEFUL NEWS SOURCES FOR FURTHER INFORMATION
A list of news sources with Weblinks is provided below, which may be useful if additional up to
date information is required to supplement that provided in this report. The full list of sources
used in this report can be found in Annex E – References to source material.
AlertNet (Thomson Reuters) http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/index.htm?news=all
All Africa http://allafrica.com/eritrea/
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) http://news.bbc.co.uk
Cable News Network (CNN) http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/?fbid=i0gUtrVnUAy
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) http://www.irinnews.org/
Reuters http://www.reuters.com/
Voice of America (VoA) News http://www.voanews.com/english/news/
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brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
Background Information
1. GEOGRAPHY
1.01 The Eritrea section of the Europa World Plus website, undated, accessed on 4 February
2011, stated that:
“The State of Eritrea, which has a coastline on the Red Sea extending for almost
1,000 km, is bounded to the north-west by Sudan, to the south and west by Ethiopia,
and to the south-east by Djibouti. Its territory includes the Dahlak islands, a low-lying
coralline archipelago off shore from Massawa...the major language groups in Eritrea are
Afar, Bilien, Hedareb, Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, Tigre and Tigrinya. English is
rapidly becoming the language of business and is the medium of instruction at
secondary schools and at university. Arabic is also widely spoken. The population is
fairly evenly divided between Tigrinya-speaking Christians (mainly Orthodox), the
traditional inhabitants of the highlands, and the Muslim communities of the western
lowlands, northern highlands and east coast; there are also systems of traditional belief
adhered to by a small number of the population…the capital is Asmara.”
[24] (Eritrea - Country Profile)
1.02 As regards the total population of Eritrea, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World
Factbook section on Eritrea (updated 14 July 2011) stated that Eritrea has a total
population of 5,939,484 (July 2011 est.). [1] (People). The United States State Department
Background Note on Eritrea (updated 9 March 2011), also stated that the estimated
population of Eritrea in 2010 was 5.6 million. [3a] (People). The BBC Country Profile on
Eritrea (updated 30 November 2010), however, stated that Eritrea has a total population
of 5.2 million (figure obtained from a United Nations source). [25b]. The WorldStat.info
website (accessed on 18 February 2011) stated that Eritrea had a population of 5.07
million in 2009. [75]. Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011, stated
that the estimated population in 2010 was 5,223,994. [24] (Eritrea Country Statistics)
See also Ethnic groups for details of ethnic demographics.
1.03 In the Festivals and Public Holidays in Eritrea section of the www.eritrea.be website,
accessed on 13 December 2010, the following days are listed as Eritrean public
holidays in 2011:
Date Name of public holiday
1 January New Year‟s Day
7 January Leddet (Geez Christmas)
19 January Timket (Epiphany)
10 February Liberation of Massawa (Operation Fenkil)
8 March International Women‟s Day
22 April Good Friday PDF page 12
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24 April Tensae (Easter)
1 May International Labour Day
16-24 May Independence Day festivities (one week)
24 May Independence Day
29 May Festival of Mariam Dearit (Keren)
20 June Martyr‟s Day
28 June Mariam Debre Sina
30 July - 7 August Festival Eritrea Asmara Expo (one week)
11 August Debre Bizen Abune Libanos
1 September Anniversary of the Start of the Armed Struggle
11 September Keddus Yohannes (Geez New Year)
27 September Meskel (Finding of the True Cross)
11 November Nidget of Saint Georghis Orthodox Church
(Gejeret)
21 November Nidget Saint Michaels Orthodox Church
(Tseserat)
30 November Nidget Enda Mariam Orthodox Cathedral
25 December Christmas Day
[12a]
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brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
MAP
1.04 Map of Eritrea showing the main towns and cities.
Weblink to the above map:
http://www.infoplease.com/atlas/country/eritrea.html#axzz0zbwhqfLr [4]
More maps of Eritrea can be accessed using the following weblinks:
http://www.zim24travel.com/images/maps/eritrea.jpg
http://www.geschichteinchronologie.ch/afrika/kol/Eritrea-Munzinger-d/012-karte-Eritrea.gif
http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_NE-72ZXux-
g/RtQTj99dN8I/AAAAAAAABec/craeyVaslGk/s320/eritrea.gif
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13
2. ECONOMY
2.01 The Eritrea section of Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011,
stated that the national currency is the Nakfa. [24] (Eritrea - Business and Commerce). The XE
Universal Currency Converter website , accessed on 30 June 2011 , listed the following
official market rates - one American dollar is equivalent to 15.02 Nakfas; one Euro is
equivalent to 21.7 Nakfas, and that one British pound is equivalent to 24.1 Nakfas. [26]
2.02 The United States State Department Background Note on Eritrea (updated 9 March
2011) stated that the agriculture sector contributed 2 4 per cent to the GDP (2007);
worker remittances and other private transfers from abroad contribute 32 per cent to the
GDP. Eritrea has a real GDP of US$1.87 billion (2009 estimate) with an annual growth
rate of 3.6 per cent (2009 estimate), and a per capi ta income (in 2008) of US$640
(Purchasing Power Parity). The average inflation rate is 18% (2008 estimate). [3a]
(Economy)
2.03 The Heritage Foundation‟s (public policy institute) 2011 Index of Economic Freedom,
published on 12 January 2011, provided an analysis of Eritrea‟s economy:
“Eritrea‟s economic freedom score is 36.7, [100 is the highest score] making its
economy one of the least free in the 2011 Index. Its overall score is 1.4 points higher
than last year, reflecting some improvements in its ratings for government spending,
business freedom, and labor freedom. Eritrea is ranked 45th out of the 46 countries in
the Sub-Saharan Africa region.
“Eritreans have suffered substantial losses of economic freedom in recent years.
Afflicted by poor economic management and structural problems that severely
undermine private-sector development, the country lags in productivity growth and
dynamism and, consequently, in economic growth as well. Long-standing structural
problems include poor public finance management and underdeveloped legal and
regulatory frameworks.
“Poor governance and the lack of commitment to structural reforms continue to hamper
economic freedom. Investment freedom, financial freedom, property rights, and freedom
from corruption are extraordinarily weak. Monetary stability remains fragile, and inflation
is very high, largely reflecting excessive money creation to fund fiscal deficits. Arbitrary
taxation, poor infrastructure, marginal enforcement of property rights, and weak rule of
law have driven many people and enterprises into the informal sector…inflation has
been out of control, averaging 28.8 percent between 2007 and 2009. The government
uses the military and party-owned businesses to implement its development agenda
and strictly controls the use of foreign currency. Few private enterprises remain. The
diversion of manpower and government funds away from peacetime economic activities
is expected to continue…Eritrea remains a strict command economy, eliminating most
private investment. Large-scale projects must be approved by the appropriate minister
or the Office of the President. The government has selectively and narrowly courted
foreign investors to explore underexploited resources in mineral extraction, energy,
fisheries, and tourism. Regulatory procedures are haphazard and irregularly
enforced…Eritrea‟s financial system remains poorly developed, and government
interference is significant. High credit costs and scarce access to financing severely
impede private investment and economic growth. All banks are majority-owned by the
state, and private-sector involvement in the financial system remains limited.” [65] PDF page 15
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3. HISTORY
This section provid es a brief history of the country from British control in 1949 to
December 2010, with the focus on the last 15 years. For further information about the
history of Eritrea , see the United States State Department Background Note on Eritrea
[3a]; and also the Foreign and Commonwealth Office Country Profile on Eritrea. [10d].
See also Annex A for a chronology of major events in Eritrea since 1952.
FROM BRITISH RULE TO NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE (1949 TO 1993)
3.01 The Global Security website, undated, accessed on 6 January 2011, provided the
following information about Eritrea‟s independence:
“Following World War II, Eritrea was placed under British military administration and
beginning in 1949, administered it as a trust territory of the United Nations. In 1950 the
UN decided that Eritrea should become a part of a federated Ethiopia, who had long
been trying to attain the territory with its vast Red Sea coast. In 1962 Eritrea decided to
end the federation and completely unify with Ethiopia. However, this was not a position
that all Eritreans agreed on and those who opposed the union began to fight limited
guerrilla warfare and the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was founded. Initially, the ELF
was more nationalist and Islamic and received aid from Iraq and Syria, although as
more Christians began to join the ELF became increasingly anti-capitalist. Internal
divisions within the ELF led to the creation of the rival Eritrean People's Liberation Front
(EPLF) in 1972, led by Osman Salah Sabbe, the former head of the Muslim League.
“After Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in a military coup in 1974 the
EPLF and ELF united against the Ethiopian government. There was a marked increase
in fighting and by 1976 the united Eritrean forces had pushed virtually all government
forces out of Eritrea. There was yet another division within the Eritrean opposition as
Osman broke from the EPLF and formed the Eritrean Liberation Front-Popular
Liberation Front (ELF-PLF), a move that reflected personal rivalries and ideological
divisions. The Ethiopians however could benefit from the massive amounts of aid and
troops given to them by the Soviet Union and Cuba, and with this help the Ehtiopians
[sic] were able to defeat the Eritreans in 1978. It was not a total victory for the Ethiopian
forces and there was a return to more limited guerrilla warfare where neither side was
really able to take control. There was continued fighting between the guerrillas and
government forces throughout the 1980s, but eventually the guerrillas were able to gain
the upper hand, scoring several key victories against Ethiopian forces.
“In 1991 the rebels captured the Eritrean capital of Asmara and the ports, which
essentially gave them full control of Eritrea. Soon after the UN scheduled a referendum
on Eritrean independence which was approved by an overwhelming margin. The main
leader of the EPLF, Isaias Afwerki, became the new country's first president.” [59]
3.02 The Eritrea section of Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011 ,
stated: PDF page 16
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“Following the liberation of Asmara by the EPLF [in May 1991], and of Addis Ababa by
the Ethiopian People‟s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a conference was
convened in London, United Kingdom, in August 1991. Both the USA and the Ethiopian
delegation accepted the EPLF administration as the legitimate provisional Government
of Eritrea, and the EPLF agreed to hold a referendum on independence in 1993. The
provisional Government, which was to administer Eritrea during the two years prior to
the referendum, drew most of its members from the EPLF. The Government struggled
to rehabilitate and develop Eritrea‟s war-torn economy and infrastructure, and to feed a
population largely dependent on food aid. The agricultural sector had been severely
disrupted by the war, and urban economic activity was almost non-existent.”
[24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
3.03 The same source stated that the United Nations supervised a referendum on
independence in April 1993, with a 99.8 per cent vote of Eritreans in favour of
independence. The date chosen for Independence Day was 24 May (anniversary of the
liberation of Asmara), and on 28 May 1993, the state of Eritrea was formally granted
international recognition. Three institutions were set up to govern the state - the
Consultative Council, t he National Assembly, and the judiciary. One of the National
Assembly‟s first acts was the election of Isaias Afewerki, the leader of the EPLF, as
President and Head of State. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS (1991 TO 1997)
3.04 A German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) academic paper about the
national service programme by Nicole Hirt, dated January 2010, stated: “In November
1991 the provisional government of Eritrea, formerly the Eritrea People‟s Liberati on
Front (EPLF), introduced a mandatory national service (Proclamation 18/1991) for all
Eritreans, male and female, aged 18 to 40. Initially, this service included six months of
military training and 12 months of work on reconstruction and development proj ects.”
[67]
3.05 The Eritrea section (29 June 2009 update) of the War Resisters International website,
accessed on 13 January 2011, stated that “...until May 1994, the 1991 decree was not
implemented”, and that “…the 1991 Decree was initially revised (Decr ee 71/1995), but
later replaced with the 23 October 1995 Decree on national service.” [64]
See also National service for further details.
3.06 The Eritrea section of the Europa World Plus website, undated, accessed on 4 February
2011, stated that in February 1994, the EPLF became a political party called the
People‟s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). In March 1994, the Consultative
Council was replaced with a State Council, and the National Assembly was
reconstituted to include 75 members of the PFDJ Central Committee, and 75 directly
elected members. A Constitutional Committee of 58 members (50 of these members
were government appointees) was set up to reorganise the country administratively. [24]
(Eritrea - Domestic Political Affairs)
3.07 The Travel Documents Systems website, accessed on 6 January 2011 , provided the
following information:
“In March 1994, the PGE [Provisional Government of Eritrea] created a constitutional
commission charged with drafting a constitution flexible enough to meet the current PDF page 17
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needs of a population suffering from 30 years of civil war as well as those of the future,
when prospective stability and prosperity would change the political landscape.
Commission members traveled throughout the country and to Eritrean communities
abroad holding meetings to explain constitutional options to the people and to solicit
their input. A new constitution was ratified in 1997 but has not been implemented, and
general elections have not been held.” [60]
See also Constitution
Return to contents
Go to sources
INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS (1998 TO MARCH 2011)
3.08 Regarding Eritrea‟s bord er conflict with Ethiopia, the United Kingdom Foreign and
Commonwealth Office Country Profile on Eritrea (updated 28 April 2010), stated that:
“A dispute over the ill-defined border with Ethiopia flared into military conflict in May
1998. There were an estimated 100,000 casualties. Hostilities concluded with the
signing of the Algiers Peace Agreement of December 2000. This established the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) to delimit and demarcate the border and
established a 25km Temporary Security Zone (TSZ) between the 2 countries. A UN
peacekeeping force (UNMEE) was deployed along the TSZ in 2001. Following
restrictions placed on UNMEE activities and staff by the Eritrean Government the UN
Security Council formally terminated UNMEE‟s mandate in July 2008.
“The EEBC announced its decision on the border on 13 April 2002. Demarcation was
due to follow in 2003. However, when it became clear that the town of Badme (where
the hostilities started) had been awarded to Eritrea, Ethiopia challenged the EEBC's
conclusions. In 2004 Ethiopia announced its acceptance „in principle‟ of the EEBC
ruling. In 2007 Ethiopia then stated its acceptance of the EEBC‟s decision „without
precondition‟ but has said relations need to be normalised between the two sides before
the decision should be implemented. The international community continues its efforts
to keep the peace process on track by underlining that the EEBC decision is final and
binding and by urging both governments to engage in political dialogue. Unable to
physically demarcate the border on the ground the EEBC instead issued a „virtual
demarcation‟ showing where the boundary posts should be placed.” [10d]
3.09 The United Kingdom House of Commons Library , International Affairs and Defence
Section, briefing paper , Ethiopia in the run-up to [the] May 2010 elections , dated 30
December 2009, provided a further update:
“The situation [regarding the border dispute] remains fundamentally unchanged since
mid 2008, when the [UN] Security Council terminated the UN mission that had been
operating on both sides of the border. There are still hundreds of thousands of troops
facing each other in the border area. It is effectively a „frozen conflict‟. Both parties
accuse the other, in pursuit of „regime change‟, of providing political and military support
to rebel groups operating on their territories…in recent months, UN involvement in the
border dispute has been limited to the August 2009 final and legally binding ruling of the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission (EECC), a body established under the 2000 Algiers
peace agreement to arbitrate conflicting claims for compensation for violations of
international humanitarian law committed by both parties in the course of the war. The
Commission blamed Eritrea for starting the war and awarded a slightly larger sum to PDF page 18
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Ethiopia (the outstanding differential is $10 million). In a moderately hopeful sign, both
parties accepted the ruling of the Commission.” [61] (The Eritrea-Ethiopia border dispute: Recent
developments, pages 7-8)
3.10 Regarding domestic events in Eritrea, the United States State Department Background
Note on Eritrea (updated 9 March 2011), noted that in late 2001, there was a
clampdown against political opposition groups favouring elections and constitutional
reform. As the source observed:
“In September 2001, after several months in which a number of prominent PFDJ party
members had publicly aired grievances against the government and in which they called
for implementation of the constitution and the holding of elections, the government
instituted a crackdown. Eleven prominent dissidents, members of what had come to be
known as the Group of 15, were arrested and held without charge in an unknown
location. At the same time, the government shut down the independent press and
arrested its reporters and editors, holding them incommunicado and without charge. In
subsequent weeks, the government arrested other individuals, including two Eritrean
employees of the U.S. Embassy.” [3a]
3.11 The Human Rights Watch press release , Escalating Crackdown in Eritrea Reformists,
Journalists, Students At Risk, dated 21 September 2001, also reported on the arrests of
university students at this time:
“The recent clampdown on civil society and critical political voices was reportedly
triggered by an increasingly tense standoff between the government and university
students demanding greater academic freedom and social liberties, particularly the
publication last week in a private newspaper of a long diary of a student on a forced
summer work program.
“Students at the University of Asmara, the only one in the country, had joined in
criticizing the government by demanding better treatment from the government and
consultation on matters that concern them. The summer work program is mandatory for
University of Asmara students, who are allowed to defer their national military service
until after graduation. This year [2001], the students protested the appalling conditions
of previous camps. On July 31 [2001], the police arrested the president of the Asmara
University student council, Semere Kesete, a day after he publicly announced that
students would not enroll in the summer program unless certain reforms were carried
out. He remains in jail without charge.
“When students tried to protest his arrest at his court appearance on August 10 [2001],
four hundred of them were rounded up and sent to the work program in Wia, a desert
camp near the Red Sea port of Massawa, in a region where daytime temperatures
hover about 100 degrees Fahrenheit (38 degrees Celsius). The government accused
the students, who were not charged, of „unruly behavior‟ and „unlawful acts.‟ Following
the forcible transfer of the arrested students to Wia, 1700 others „voluntarily‟ joined them
there, according to the government. The government acknowledged that two students
died of heatstroke during the past month, but attributed the loss to „lack of adequate
logistical support‟ at the camp. There were reports that a number of other students were
taken for treatment from heat exhaustion in closed military hospitals, and some may
have died.” [29a] PDF page 19
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3.12 An Open Doors (NGO) analysis paper on religious freedom in Eritrea (no title), dated 13
April 2009, submitted to the United Nations Human Rights Council a s a contribution to
the Universal Periodic Review of Eritrea, stated that:
“In May 2002, the Eritrean government ordered all unregistered religious
communities to close their places of worship and stop practicing their faith until they
were registered. They had to apply for registration with the Department for Religious
Affairs in the Office of the President in accordance with the 1995 Proclamation
regarding legally elucidating and regulating of religious activities and religions
declaration NO 73/1995, the full implementation of which had been delayed.” [62]
See also Freedom of religion for more information about the impact of this.
3.13 A German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) academic paper about the
national service programme by Nicole Hirt, dated January 2010, stated:
“In summer 2002 the government announced the so-called Warsay Yikealo
Development Campaign [WYDC]. The younger generation is referred to as warsay,
meaning „inheritor‟ or „follower,‟ While yikealo denotes a wise elderly person, a term the
government uses explicitly for the fighter generation. The younger generation is
supposed to follow in the footsteps of the former fighters by internalizing and practicing
the values of self-sacrifice, hard work and dedication to the Eritrean nation in the form of
unlimited and unpaid service. The introduction of the WYDC meant de facto that the
national service was no longer limited to 18 months (as a matter of fact, all those
remobilized in 1998 had already spent years in the military) but rather became open-
ended.” [67]
For more information about National service, please see the section of the same name.
3.14 The Eritrea section of the Europa World Plus website, undated, accessed on 4 February
2011, stated:
“During 2004 several parties took steps to form a viable opposition movement to the
PFDJ. In February, following talks in Germany, the EPLF - DP announced that it would
reform as the Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP), under the continued leadership of
Mesfin Hagos. In May numerous former members of the ELF and the PFDJ combined
to establish the Eritrean Popular Movement (EPM). In August two new coalitions were
formed; the first united the EPM and four smaller parties under the umbrella of the
Eritrean National Alliance (ENA), while the second brought the EDP, the ELF and the
Eritrean Liberation Front - Revolutionary Council together. In late December
representatives of these two alliances met in Khartoum, Sudan, for talks with the
Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, and the Sudanese President, Omar Hassan
Ahmad al-Bashir, aimed at settling issues surrounding the border conflict with Ethiopia
...in 2004 the ENA was reorganized as the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) and in
January 2005 Hiruy Tedla Bairu was elected leader of the coalition. In January 2008 the
11 opposition parties comprising the EDA met in Addis Ababa to consolidate the
alliance after divisions had emerged in the previous year. Two additional parties were
admitted to the coalition: the Eritrean Islamic Congress and the Eritrean People's
Movement. PDF page 20
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“Hopes that national legislative elections would finally take place were raised in 2004 as
elections to the regional assemblies were held in May with some 92% of registered
voters casting their ballots.” [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
3.15 The Amnesty International report, Eritrea: Thousands of people held at Adi Abeto army
prison, dated 9 November 2004, reported that some prisoners who had made an
apparent attempt to escape from Adi Abeto military pr ison had been shot and killed by
soldiers. Wounded prisoners were taken to hospital and were held incommunicado
under military guard. Conditions in the prison in general were reported to be very poor
and prisoners were reportedly ill-treated. [6g]
3.16 A r eport published on the IOL website (South African online news service), entitled
Eritrea clashes claim more lives , dated 12 June 2008, provided information about a
border clash between Eritrea and Djibouti that took place in June 2008:
“Border clashes between Eritrea and Djibouti have killed nine Djiboutian soldiers and
wounded 60 others in three days of fighting between the Horn of Africa nations, a
defence official said on Thursday [12 June 2008].
“In the first fighting since the mid-1990s between two of Africa's smallest states, Eritrean
and Djiboutian troops have exchanged fire along a part of their shared border
overlooking strategic shipping lanes in the Red Sea.
“Djibouti hosts French and US military bases and is the main route to the sea for
Eritrea's arch-foe Ethiopia.
“Africa's youngest nation, Eritrea has fractious ties with the West, which accuses it of
backing Somali insurgents and impeding UN peacekeepers on the Ethiopia
border…Djiboutian state media said the Red Sea state had captured 100 Eritrean
prisoners.
“There was, however, no independent verification of events from the remote border area
that has long been a source of tension between the two countries.” [63]
3.17 The United Nations (UN) press release, Security Council Imposes Sancti ons on Eritrea
over Its Role in Somalia, Refusal to Withdraw Troops Following Conflict with Djibouti,
dated 24 December 2009, provided details about a UN Security Council resolution
concerning Eritrea:
“[The UN Security Council is] Gravely concerned about findings that Eritrea had
provided support to armed groups undermining peace and reconciliation in Somalia and
that it had not withdrawn its forces following clashes with Djibouti in June 2008, the
Security Council today [24 December 2009] imposed an arms embargo on that country,
in addition to travel restrictions on and a freeze on the assets of its political and military
leaders.
“Adopting resolution 1907 (2009) by a vote of 13 in favour to 1 against (Libya), with 1
abstention (China) under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council
reiterated its demand that Eritrea withdraw its forces to the positions of the status quo
ante in the area where its conflict with Djibouti had occurred, acknowledge its border
dispute and cooperate fully with the Secretary-General‟s good offices. It further PDF page 21
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demanded that the country cease all efforts to destabilize or overthrow, directly or
indirectly, the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia.
“The Council demanded that all States, in particular Eritrea, cease arming, training and
equipping armed groups and their members, including Al-Shabaab, which aimed to
destabilize the region or incite violence and civil strife in Djibouti. It further demanded
that Eritrea cease facilitating travel and other forms of financial support to individuals or
entities designated by the Committee established pursuant to resolution 751 (1992)
regarding Somalia and other sanctions committees, in particular the Committee
established pursuant to resolution 1267 (1999) regarding Al? [sic] Qaida and the
Taliban.
“Imposing an embargo on arms and associated materiel [sic] to and from Eritrea, the
Council called upon all States to inspect all cargo to and from Somalia and Eritrea, and
upon discovery of prohibited items, to seize and dispose of them. It decided that travel
restrictions and an asset freeze should apply to individuals, including but not limited to,
the Eritrean political and military leadership, so designated by the Committee on
Somalia Sanctions, as well as to governmental and parastatal actors and entities
privately owned by Eritrean nationals living within or outside Eritrean territory, so
designated by the same Committee. Also by the text, the Council expanded the
Committee‟s mandate to undertake those additional tasks, as well as that of the
Monitoring Group assisting the Committee.” [56]
3.18 The Asmarino (“news and views” Eritrean community website) report, Eritrea: Frozen
and Reshuffled, Again, dated 17 January 2010, stated that there had been a reshuffling
of government personnel:
“The reshufflings are not confined to individuals; administrative regions are not spared
either. In Eritrea, there are not only civilian administrative zobas but also military
administrative regions, the latter superimposed on the former. This superimposition is
made with the intention of giving the military the upper hand in administrative matters
that even concerns civilians. There used to be five such military administrative regions.
Now they have been collapsed into three: the Red Sea area (North and South) into one;
Maekel and Debub into another one, and Gash-Barka and Anseba into yet another
one.” [68a]
3.19 The United Nations News Service report, Ban Welcomes Deal Between Eritrea and
Djibouti to Resolve Border Conflict, dated 9 June 2010, stated:
“Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today [9 June 2010] welcomed the agreement signed
by Eritrea and Djibouti to resolve their two-year border dispute through a negotiated
settlement.
“Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Djibouti's President Ismail Omar Guelleh signed
the agreement on Sunday [6 June 2010] in a deal reached under the auspices of Qatar
and its Emir, Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani.
“„The Secretary-General is encouraged by this positive development, which he believes
will contribute to long-term peace and stability in the Horn of Africa region,‟ he said in a
statement issued by his spokesperson in which he also voiced deep appreciation for the
Qatari Emir's mediation efforts. PDF page 22
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“The agreement entrusts Qatar with establishing a mechanism for the resolution of the
border dispute and the normalization of relations between the two countries.
“The deal ends the dispute that erupted in early 2008 when, following weeks of tensions
and military build-up, the two countries' armed forces clashed over an un-demarcated
area in the Red Sea known as Doumeira, killing 35 people and leaving dozens of others
wounded.
“In January 2009 the Security Council adopted a resolution demanding that Eritrea pull
its forces from the disputed area and cooperate with diplomatic initiatives, and
welcoming Djibouti's withdrawal of its forces to its positions before the dispute.” [54b]
3.20 The Asmarino report, Message from the National Commission for Democratic Change
(ENCDC), dated 28 October 2010, stated that an Eritrean National Conference for
Democratic Change had taken place from 31 July to 9 August 2010 in Addis Ababa. A
new organisation called the Eritrean National Commission for Democratic Change was
set up. One of the aims of the new Commission is to bring the various elements of the
Eritrean political opposition together to form a more united opposition against the
Eritrean regime. [68d]
3.21 The United Nations News Service report, At General Assembly, Ethiopia accuses
Eritrea of spoiling peace efforts in Somalia, dated 29 September 2010, stated:
“Ethiopia today [29 September 2010] accused Eritrea of continuing to undermine efforts
to restore peace and stability in Somalia by arming insurgents battling the transitional
Government in Mogadishu and urged the Security Council to strictly enforce existing
sanctions against Eritrea.
“„Despite the sanctions, Eritrea is still the principal architect of the complicated situation
in Somalia by training, arming and nurturing the extremist elements such as Al Shabaab
and Hisbul Islam who are causing havoc in the country today,‟ Ethiopia‟s Foreign
Minister Seyoum Mesfin said in his statement to the General Assembly‟s high-level
debate.
“In a resolution in January last year [2009], the Council imposed an arms embargo on
Eritrea and a travel ban and an assets freeze on Eritrean political and military leaders
who violated the embargo or provided support to armed opposition groups destabilizing
Somalia.
“The resolution followed a request by the regional Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD) and the African Union (AU) for the Council to take such action.
“„The time, therefore, is long overdue for the Security Council to take resolute action and
see to it that its decisions are complied with if we are to maintain the integrity of the
decisions of our organizations,‟ Mr. Mesfin said.” [54a]
3.22 The Sudan Tribune report, dated 17 December 2010, AU Panel urges new approach to
settle Ethiopia-Eritrea border dispute, stated that the African Union‟s Panel of the Wise,
at its 9th assembly in Algiers had urged a “launch for a new and binding peace process
to resolve the long -standing border row between Ethiopia and Eritrea.” The Sudan
Tribune report ex plained that the “ …African Union‟s Panel of the Wise held from PDF page 23
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December 12 -14 expressed concerns over the stalled border crises saying a lasting
solution was needed. The panel urged the chairperson of the commission to envisage
useful initiatives to help t he countries resolve the outstanding issues and work towards
the normalization of relations.” [57b]
For more recent news reports on Eritrea, refer to the following weblinks: BBC News;
Reuters; All Africa; Afrol News, and Africa Online.
See also Latest news
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Go to sources
4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (APRIL 2011 TO AUGUST 2011)
This section covers the period April 2011 to August 2011 and provides a selection of
incidents as reported by a number of sources. This section is organised thematically
and then chronologically, from the oldest to most recent events.
For further information generally, see the following links:
AlertNet (Thomson Reuters)
http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/index.htm?news=all
All Africa http://allafrica.com/eritrea/
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) http://news.bbc.co.uk
Cable News Network (CNN) http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/?fbid=i0gUtrVnUAy
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) http://www.irinnews.org/
Reuters http://www.reuters.com/
Voice of America (VoA) News http://www.voanews.com/english/news/
See also Latest news, where there is a fuller list of useful sources to consult for updates
on developments in Eritrea.
PROTESTS IN ETHIOPIA
4.01 The Sudan Tribune report, Eritreans demonstrate in Ethiopia against Asmara
government, dated 22 April 2011 , stated that thousands of Eritreans living in Ethiopia
took part in public demonstrations in various locations in Ethiopia, including refugee
camps and Addis Ababa, the capital city. The protesters called for international pressure
to bring down the regime of Isaias Afewerki [President of Eritrea]. The report stated that
60,000 Eritreans live in Ethiopia. The report also stated that the demonstrations
followed accusations made by the Ethiopian government that Eritrea has been
responsible for terrorist attacks. [57d]
4.02 The Eritrean Ministry of Information (Shabait) reported on 24 May 2011 (Eritrean
Independence Day) that many Eritreans in Eritrea and abroad had celebrated the
country‟s Eritrean Independence Day with a “strong sense of patriotism and pride.” [46d].
The Sudan Tribune newspaper report, Exiled Eritreans demonstrate against Asmara
regime in Ethiopia , dated 25 May 2011 , however, reported that Eritreans living in
Ethiopia organised demonstrations against the Eritrean government, with hundreds of
Eritreans taking part in a demonstration in Addis Ababa. They denounced the current PDF page 24
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Eritrean regime and called for more United Nations sanctions to be imposed on the
Eritrean government. The report added that, according to the organisers, similar
demonstrations were being held in other countries throughout the world. [57a]
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
4.03 The Sudan Tribune report, Ethiopia to step-up support to Eritrean rebels, dated 16 April
2011, stated that:
“Ethiopia on Friday declared that it will increase its support to Eritrean rebel groups in
their struggle to topple the regime of Issaias Afeworki.
“„In light of Eritrea‟s continuing nefarious campaigns‟, Ethiopia has given up on „the
passive approach it has pursued in the past in dealing with the Eritrean regime in
Asmara‟, thus „decided to carry out a more active policy, taking measured action against
Eritrea‟s activities‟, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in its weekly press release
published on Friday [15 April 2011].
“Last week, Addis Ababa threatened it might be forced to take military action against the
Red Sea nation accusing it of continuous „terrorist acts‟ and attempts to destabilize
Ethiopia.
“The latest statement said: „No act of aggression by the government of President Isaias
will be left unanswered‟.
“Ethiopia has given refuge to a number of Eritrean resistance groups including Eritrean
Democratic Alliance (EDA), a coalition of some nine political organizations.
“The Horn of Africa country hosts over 50,000 Eritrean refugees who fled home in
protest to the current rule. Many of these refugees join Eritrean resistance groups in
Ethiopia.
“Ethiopia has been providing political support to the Eritrean political groups and it says
now the support to the opposition groups will be strengthened further.” [57e]
4.04 The Economist Intelligence Unit Eritrea Country Report , dated 1 May 2011, reported
that:
“The belligerent rhetoric that has characterised the bitter relationship between Ethiopia
and Eritrea over the past ten years has been intensified in recent months. In an address
to the Ethiopian parliament on April 5th [2011], broadcast live by state-run Ethiopian
television, the Ethiopian prime minister, Meles Zenawi, vowed that his government
would „facilitate regime change‟ in Eritrea by helping the Eritrean people to rise up
against the government, and would respond to Eritrean-backed terrorist attacks with
„appropriate‟ force, although he ruled out a military invasion. Meles also accused Eritrea
of being a „militia force‟ for Egypt, implementing Egyptian efforts to „hinder‟ Ethiopian
development projects along the River Nile. Meles said that his government had been
forced to change its policy on Eritrea because Eritrea was attempting to destabilise
Ethiopia by targeting public places in order to make the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa,
„another Baghdad‟. PDF page 25
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“Meles's comments came after a spokesman for the Ethiopian foreign ministry, Dina
Mufti, accused Eritrea of attempting to carry out attacks inside Ethiopia during an
African Union summit in Addis Ababa in February [2011]. The previous month, seven
alleged militants had been arrested by the Ethiopian security forces for intending to
attack Ethiopian targets under orders from the Eritrean government. Indeed, one of the
seven confessed to being trained and armed by the Eritrean regime. Mr Dina said that
Ethiopia was asking the international community to put pressure on Eritrea to refrain
from such activities, and also that Ethiopia would take „all measures necessary‟ to
defend itself. Earlier in March [2011] Meles told local media that his administration
would work towards changing either „Eritrea's policies or its government‟, which could
be done „diplomatically, politically or through other means‟. Reacting to these
statements, in a letter to the UN Security Council (UNSC) dated March 25th, Eritrea's
ambassador to the UN, Araya Desta, urged its members to „deal urgently‟ with
Ethiopia's „reckless threat to use force‟ against Eritrea.” [80b]
4.05 The Tesfa News (Eritrean n ews website) report, Entry Visas Abolished between Sudan
and Eritrea, dated 11 May 2011, stated that:
“Sudan and Eritrea have agreed to open their common borders to facilitate passage
between the two countries through ID cards without the need for entry visas.
“In addition, the two countries have agreed to facilitate goods and commodities traffic,
without restrictions, organize inter trade and remove all border crossing points that
hinder movement of citizens of the two countries.
“Eritrean President, Isaias Afewerki, said the close relations between Sudan and Eritrea
has prompted governments of the two countries to work for facilitating natural
movement of the peoples of the two countries…The Minister of Interior said the visit by
the Sudanese delegation to Eritrea comes by within the directives of President Omer Al
Bashir who has directed for the removal of all obstacles that hinder smooth traffic
between the two countries.” [43]
NARBO VOLCANIC ERUPTION
4.06 The Sudan Tribune report, Eritrean opposition asks for international support as volcano
kills seven, dated 22 June 2011, stated that:
“An exiled Eritrean opposition group on Wednesday [22 June 2011] called on the
international community to immediately act to provide urgent assistance to the
thousands of Eritreans it said are affected by the Narbo volcano that erupted over a
week ago in the country‟s south.
“After over a week-long silence, Eritrean state television last night confirmed the
causalities after the Red Sea Afar rebels released a statement on their website
regarding the deaths and damage the volcano had caused…The Addis Ababa-based
Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization (RSADO) said the volcanic eruption has killed at
least seven people, injured many others and displaced thousands of people.” [57f]
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5. CONSTITUTION
5.01 The United States State Department Background Note on Eritrea (updated 9 March
2011), noted that the constitution of Eritrea was ratif ied on 24 May 1997 but has not yet
been implemented. [3a]. The Constitutionnet.org website stated that t he Eritrean
Constitution guarantees fundamental human rights such as the right to life, liberty,
freedom of movement, freedom of religion, freedom of sp eech, right to vote in elections,
and right to a fair trial. Under the constitution, “all persons are equal before the law” and
“no person may be discriminated against on account of race, ethnic origin, language,
colour, sex, religion, disability, politica l belief or opinion, or social or economic status or
any other factors.” The constitution also contains provisions relating to how the
executive, legislature, and judiciary are organised and function. National unity,
participation in national service and patriotism in general is emphasised. [41]
Link to Eritrean constitution:
http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Eritrea%20Constitution.pdf
See also Political system and Judiciary
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6. POLITICAL SYSTEM
6.01 The United States State Department Background Note on Eritrea, published on 9 March
2011, stated that:
“The present government structure includes legislative, executive, and judicial bodies.
The legislature, the Transitional National Assembly, comprises 75 members of the
PFDJ [People‟s Front for Democracy and Justice] and 75 additional popularly elected
members. The Transitional National Assembly is the highest legal power in the
government until the establishment of a democratic, constitutional government. The
legislature sets the internal and external policies of the government, regulates
implementation of those policies, approves the budget, and elects the president of the
country. The president nominates individuals to head the various ministries, authorities,
commissions, and offices, and the Transitional National Assembly ratifies those
nominations. The cabinet is the country's executive branch. It is composed of 17
ministers and chaired by the president. It implements policies, regulations, and laws and
is accountable to the Transitional National Assembly. The ministries are agriculture;
defense; education; energy and mines; finance; fisheries; foreign affairs; health;
information; labor and human welfare; land, water, and environment; local governments;
justice; public works; trade and industry; transportation and communication; and
tourism.” [3a]
6.02 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided a detailed analysis of the political system:
“The PFDJ is the sole legal political movement and has dominated public and private
life. At first glance, there is no distinction between party and state. However, the party is
only one element of an amorphous apparatus centred on the president‟s office. The
PFDJ funded the war effort, as the government lacked resources. The party rather than
government ministries inherited the EPLF [Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front] legacy PDF page 27
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and its financial and moral capital, but it is only as important as the president allows at
any given time. Since independence, and especially since 2001, his favour has
alternated between the party and the army. Creating rivalry between the two institutions
for Isaias‟s favour is one of the strategies deployed by the Office of the President to
maintain its importance.
“EPLF/PFDJ members dominate state institutions. From the early 1990s, all the main
ministries - defence, interior, education, health, labour - have been headed by leading
ex-fighters. Many of the lower rungs in the administrative structure have likewise been
occupied by tegadelay [“EPLF fighter” (Tigrinyan)]. Posts were reserved for ex-fighters,
and only exceptionally - notably in the banking sector - were key figures brought in who
had not seen combat. It was axiomatic that there was no job - technical, commercial or
administrative - that an ex-fighter could not do. This created a gulf between ex-
combatants and everyone else, for whom there were relatively few opportunities. An
independent, professional civil service is virtually non-existent, and those who work in
the lower levels of an increasingly stultifying bureaucracy are demoralised, underpaid
and inadequately trained. Civilians predominate in only a few areas, such as teaching.
The university was led by a nonfighter between the mid-1990s and early 2000s and for
a time was harnessed to the nation-building process, but as a key institution that is
potentially a seedbed for alternative views, it has never been trusted.
“Even before the crackdown, the president frequently rotated ministers. Individuals who
were out of favour were sidelined in largely meaningless posts. Today, those who
criticise or question presidential edicts are „frozen‟ from their posts for lengthy periods,
permitted to do little but collect their salaries and not much else. Few of the early
leaders remain in high public office, and the country is mostly run by second- or even
third-tier revolutionaries or close associates of the president. Moreover, there is often
duplication of responsibilities, with the president creating what are in effect shadow
ministries; run by people who report to him directly, while the official ministry is left to
compete for attention. Isaias increasingly appoints malleable individuals who lack a
sense of direction or even discernible abilities but are eager to do his bidding.”
[18] (page 8)
6.03 The F reedom House Worst of the Worst 2011 report, published in May 2011, stated
that:
“The political system remained frozen in 2010, with no plans for national elections,
despite seventeen years of independence and ten years of tense peace with Ethiopia…
Eritrea is not an electoral democracy. The only legal political party, the Popular Front for
Democracy and Justice, maintains complete dominance over the country‟s political life
and has become harshly authoritarian since the end of the war with Ethiopia. The
constitution provides for an elected legislature that would choose the president from
among its members from a majority vote.” [9c]
6.04 Although no national elections have taken place since independence, local and regional
elections have been organised. Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February
2011, noted that regional assembly elections took place in May 2004. A total of 92 per
cent of those registered to vote voted in these elections. [24] (Eritrea - Domestic Political
Affairs). The Freedom House Countries at the Crossroads 2007 report, published in
September 2007, stated that: PDF page 28
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“Over the past decade and a half, Eritrea has conducted regional and local elections
with balloting open to men and women of all religious and ethnic backgrounds, but no
forms of new political organization, such as independent parties or caucuses within the
PFDJ, have been permitted. All voting for local public office has been conducted in town
meeting-style sessions presided over by PFDJ cadres. Campaigns are not permitted, as
there are no legal organizations to put them together, apart from those run by the
government. Individuals are not allowed to set up organized political operations during
PFDJ-run elections. Public discussion prior to elections is centered on the character of
the candidates and their loyalty to the ruling party. There is no debate over policy
options or initiatives in public forums and no outlet for new proposals or critiques of
existing policies…as there are no legal parties in Eritrea apart from the PFDJ, and as
there have been no national elections of any kind, no rotation of power has been or is
likely to be possible.” [9b]
See also Political affiliation; Women - political rights; Constitution
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Human Rights
7. INTRODUCTION
7.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Repor t: Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“Human rights abuses included abridgement of citizens' right to change their
government through a democratic process; unlawful killings by security forces; torture
and beating of prisoners, sometimes resulting in death; abuse and torture of national
service evaders; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and
detention, including of national service evaders and their family members; executive
interference in the judiciary and the use of a special court system to limit due process;
and infringement on privacy rights. National service obligations are effectively open-
ended although the government does not acknowledge this circumstance. There is no
due process and persons remain in jail for years. The government severely restricted
freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion. The government also
limited freedom of movement and travel for citizens, foreign residents, the UN,
humanitarian and development agencies; it harassed and tightly controlled the
movements of foreign diplomats…restrictions continued on the activities of national and
international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs). Female genital mutilation (FGM),
although prevalent in rural areas, declined significantly in urban areas, according to
trusted sources. Societal abuse and discrimination against women, members of the
Kunama ethnic group, gays and lesbians, members of certain religious groups, persons
with disabilities, and persons with HIV/AIDS remained areas of concern. There were
limitations on worker rights, and the government was party to forced labor on its
citizenry. Children were engaged in forced labor.” [3b] (Introduction)
7.02 The Human Rights Watch World Report 2011: Eritrea, published on 24 Januar y 2011,
summarised the human rights situation in Eritrea:
“By any measure, the unelected government of President Afewerki is oppressive. It
allows no space for individual autonomy in any sphere - political, economic, or religious.
Arbitrary arrests, torture, and forced labor are rampant. Rule by fiat is the norm. The
Eritrean government refuses to implement a constitution approved in 1997 containing
civil and human rights provisions. Many Eritreans conclude that they can avoid
oppression only by fleeing the country at risk to their lives.
“Thousands of Eritreans are incarcerated without charge, trial, or opportunity to appeal.
They are denied access to lawyers or family. The government release no information
about numbers of prisoners, their p laces of confinement, whether they remain alive, or
why they are being held. Many detainees simply „disappear‟.” [29b] (p1)
7.03 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided an analysis of the general human rights situation:
“Eritrea can aptly be described as a prison state, without rule of law or independent
judiciary and where the legal process is routinely ignored, and internal security is ever
more oppressive and ubiquitous. The government has long demonstrated a cavalier
attitude toward the law, including the safeguards critical to protection of civil society.
From the early 1990s, the police were deliberately given excessive power, with no
checks or monitors to curb them. State security targets suspect groups with relative PDF page 30
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29
impunity. One is Jehovah‟s Witnesses, whose members refused to acknowledge the
earthly kingdom being created by the EPLF, so did not participate in the 1993
referendum and refuse national service. To the EPLF, this renders them non-citizens
and a legitimate target. The legal system functions primarily to bring dissenters to heel,
without a formal legal code. Judges are not independent and are closely monitored.
Moreover, the legal profession, like the enfeebled civil service, suffers from a chronic
lack of skills and training…the government has become extremely suspicious of the
outside world and paranoid about any Eritrean associated with „external influences‟ and
not fully committed to the „national cause‟. Enemies of the state and „non-citizens‟ are
seen to come in many guises. In addition to that of the Jehovah‟s Witnesses, the
persecution of Pentecostal Christians has escalated dramatically in recent years.
Internal security forces monitor, harass and routinely detain those identified as
practising „illegal‟ faiths. The state recognises as legal faiths only the Lutheran Church,
Orthodox Christianity, Roman Catholicism and Islam. All others are regarded as
dangerous, unpatriotic and „foreign‟. Muslims belonging to new, unrecognised groups
are likewise targeted, as are followers of the Bahai faith.
“Others who are jailed include, failed asylum seekers, businessmen and merchants
suspected of hoarding goods or otherwise engaging in black market activities,
journalists who have been critical or are suspected of being potential critics and a range
of political dissidents, real or imagined, including those who in 2000-2002 expressed
misgivings about the government. Draft evaders and deserters have swollen jails more
than any other single category. There is deep and widespread fear of the security
forces, and contrary political thoughts are rarely, if ever, voiced in public, and then only
in hushed tones.” [18] (pages 11-12)
7.04 The Economist Intelligence Unit‟s (EIU) Democracy index 2010: Democracy in retreat
report, published in 2010, stated that the EIU's 2010 democracy index ranks Eritrea 152
out of 167 countries and places it among the 50 countries categorised as “authoritarian”
regimes. Eritrea‟s overall score in the democracy index was 2.31 out of 10. The Index of
Democracy is based on five categories: electoral process and pluralism; civil liberties;
the functioning of government; political participation, and democratic political culture.
[80a].
The Democracy index 2010: De mocracy in retreat report, containing the full index and
detailed methodology used, can be downloaded from this weblink :
http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy_Index_2010_web.pdf. [80a]
7.05 The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (United Kingdom) Human Rights and
Democracy: The 2010 Foreign and Commonwealth Office report , published in March
2011, noted how difficult it is to obtain information about the human rights situation in
Eritrea:
“Addressing human rights issues in Eritrea is very difficult. There are serious obstacles
to obtaining reliable information from inside the country: there are no independent
journalists in Eritrea; foreign diplomats require travel permits to travel outside Asmara,
which are often refused; and the Ministry of Information tightly controls access to
information and will not engage with foreign embassies or international bodies unless
approved at a very senior level. The Eritrean government frequently claims that reports
on Eritrea‟s human rights situation are outdated or inaccurate. We [Foreign and
Commonwealth Office] have called on the Eritrean government to allow access to the PDF page 31
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country and to the people of Eritrea by journalists, human rights groups and foreign
embassies to ensure accurate reporting. The Eritrean government has consistently
refused these requests.” [10b] (pages 194-195)
For information about specific human rights issues, see Human rights violations by
government forces; Freedom of movement; Freedom of speech and media; Freedom of
religion; Freedom of political expression; Freedom of association and assembly; Prison
and detention centre conditions; Women; Children
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8. SECURITY FORCES
POLICE
8.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that the:
“Police were officially responsible for maintaining internal security, and the army was
responsible for external security; however, the government could call on the armed
forces, the reserves, and demobilized soldiers to meet either domestic or external
security requirements. Agents of the National Security Office, which reports to the Office
of the President, were responsible for detaining persons suspected of threatening
national security. The armed forces have the authority to arrest and detain civilians.
Generally [the] police did not have a role in cases involving national security, but they
were heavily involved in rounding up individuals evading national service.” [3b] (section 1d)
See also Human rights violations by government forces
ARMED FORCES
8.02 The Central Intelligence Agency‟s (CIA) World Factbook section on Eritrea ( 14 July
2011 version), stated that of the estimated 2.7 million military service reservists and
military conscripts, around 1.8 million were fit for military service. [1]. The Eritrea section
of Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011 , stated that “…as
assessed at November 2009, Eritrea‟s active armed forces included an army of about
200,000, a navy of 1,400 and an air force of about 350; reserve forces numbered
120,000.” [24] (Government and Politics)
8.03 The Armed Forces section of Jane‟s Sentinel Country Risk Assessments (26 January
2010 version), Eritrea, provided the following information about the armed forces:
“The [Eritrean] armed forces appear to have successfully transformed themselves from
a guerrilla army into one that is fully capable of fighting a conventional war but the
pressure on society, economy and political freedom entailed is likely to be prohibitive in
the medium term.
“In terms of capabilities, the Eritrean military remains overwhelmingly a light infantry
force with little in the way of armoured, mechanised or artillery support. Development of
the air force has aimed to overcome the strategic limitations of a largely conscript army
as well as to match the expansion of Ethiopia's capabilities, which remain comparable PDF page 32
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and broadly constrained by the same factors. With no naval dimension to the conflict
with Ethiopia, the development of Eritrea's small navy has stalled, although it may still
be considered a competent paramilitary force in the coast guard role…President Isaias
Afewerki is the commander in chief of the Eritrean Defence Force (EDF), which
consists of an army, air force and navy. Eritrea has one of the biggest land armies in
sub-Saharan Africa, with conscription strictly enforced. By comparison with the army,
the air force and navy deploy modest numbers of personnel. The commander in chief
exercises control through a small number of trusted, long-serving associates who
occupy key posts in the defence area. The key senior personnel are the minister of
defence, the commanders of the five Military Operation Zones (MOZs), and the
commanders of the air force and navy. During the 1990s it was understood that there
was a chief of general staff overseeing a land forces commander, an air force
commander and a navy commander. In more recent years the army has been
organised on the basis of the five MOZs”. [7a]
See also National service
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HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY GOVERNMENT FORCES
Arbitrary arrest and detention
8.04 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that:
“The law stipulates that detainees must be brought before a judge within 48 hours of
their arrest and may not be held more than 28 days without being charged with a crime.
In practice [the] authorities detained suspects for much longer periods without being
brought before a judge, charged with a crime, or in some cases even understanding the
reason for their detention. Some detainees, who were not given a right to due process,
were still in prison after a decade, and others have died while in detention. The
government has argued that those detained without charge can be assumed to be
charged under national security grounds…Incommunicado detention was widespread,
although detainees in police stations generally had access to legal representation and
family members. Authorities provided indigent detainees with counsel on an irregular
basis. There was a functioning bail system, except for persons charged with national
security crimes or crimes that could carry the death penalty.” [3b] (section 1d)
8.05 The same source further stated that: “Security force perso nnel detained individuals for
evading national service and for other unspecified national security charges. Numerous
detainees were arrested, even if they had valid papers showing that they had completed
or were exempt from national service. In practice mo st detainees were informally
charged with issues relating to national service, effectively allowing authorities to
incarcerate citizens indefinitely.” [3b] (section 1d)
See also Arrest and detention - legal rights; Detention of national service conscripts
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Torture
8.06 The Amnesty International Annual Report 2011: The state of the world‟s human rights,
covering events in 2010, published on 13 May 2011, stated that: “The use of torture in
detention facilities was widespread. Detainees, including prisoners of conscience, were
often tortured and ill -treated. The most frequent forms of torture reported were
whippings, beatings and being tied with ropes in painful positions for prolonged
periods.” [6b]
See Prison and detention centre conditions
8.07 The Human Rights Watch (HRW) Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report, published on 16 April 2009, stated: “According to
eyewitness accounts gathered by Human Rights Watch, torture and cruel, inhuman, and
degrading treatment or punishment by military officers and commanders are systematic
and „normal‟...in Eritrea, deaths in custody are common as a result of ill -treatment,
torture, and denial of medical treatment.” [29c] (p29-30)
8.08 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on 8
April 2011, stated:
“The law and the ratified but unimplemented constitution prohibit torture. However,
torture and beatings are institutionalized within prison and detention centers. There
were credible reports that several military conscripts died following torture and beatings.
Security forces tortured and beat army deserters, draft evaders, persons living near
mining camps, persons attempting to flee the country without travel documents, and
members of certain religious groups. Examples of torture and mistreatment include:
prolonged sun exposure in temperatures of up to 120 degrees Fahrenheit; the binding
of hands, elbows, and feet for extended periods of time; forcing inmates to walk
barefoot on sharp objects; overcrowded conditions; extreme temperature fluctuations
caused by confinement in crowded and unventilated metal shipping containers in the
desert; extreme temperatures and lack of sanitation resulting from detention in crowded
cement-lined underground pits without ventilation or sanitation; suspension from trees
with arms tied behind back, a technique known as „almaz‟ (diamond); and being placed
face down with hands tied to feet outside in the desert, a technique known as the
„helicopter,‟ while pouring sugar on detainees to attract biting insects.
“The government sanctioned these torture methods, and no known action was taken
during the year [2010] to punish perpetrators of torture and abuse.” [3b] (section 1c)
8.09 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription i n Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, describes the various torture methods used on
prisoners in military detention. According to the report, the names of the known different
types of torture are:
„Helicopter‟ - the victim‟s hands and feet are tied together behind the back. The victim is
left face down, often outside in the sun. According to former detainees, this form of
torture is practiced in most of the prisons, in particular in Alla prison.
„Otto‟ (or „eight‟) - the victim‟s hands are tied together behind the back, and the victim
has to lie on his or her stomach. According to former detainees, this was the most PDF page 34
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common form of torture, practiced in all the prisons, and also in Wi‟a and Sawa military
camps.
„Ferro‟ - the victim‟s hands are placed behind the back and the wrists are bound
together with handcuffs. The victim is made to lie on his or her stomach. The victim may
also be left outside in the sun. According to a former army officer, „ferro‟ was often the
punishment for individuals suspected of being army deserters.
„Jesus Christ‟ - the victim is crucified by being tied up with rope to a tree or a cross and
then left to hang in that position. Sometimes the victim is also beaten while in the hung
position.
„Goma‟ - the victim is placed in a radial truck tyre in a double-bent position for long
periods of time.
„Mock drowning‟ - the victim‟s head is submerged in water as an act of „mock drowning‟.
„Beating‟ - according to former detainees, beatings are a common punishment and take
place on a regular, often daily, basis. Beatings can occur before or after other forms of
torture. [29c] (p30-32)
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Extra-judicial killings
8.10 The United States State Dep artment 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“The government continued to subject detainees to harsh and life threatening prison
conditions, including torture, that resulted in deaths during the year [2010]. Additional
deaths resulted from the government‟s continued authorization of the use of lethal force
against individuals resisting or attempting to flee military service or found in prohibited
regions near the border or near mining camps.
“Several persons detained for evading national service reportedly died after receiving
harsh treatment by [the] security forces. There were reports that individuals were
severely beaten and killed during roundups of young men and women for national
service. There was a pattern of mistreating and hazing conscripts, a practice that
sometimes resulted in deaths. However, no official cases were available for citation.
The government continued the practice of summary executions and shooting of
individuals on sight near mining camps and border regions for allegedly attempting to
flee military service, interfering with mining activities, or attempting to leave the country
without an exit visa.” [3b] (section 1a)
8.11 The Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights 2009 report, The Lasting Struggle f or
Freedom in Eritrea - Human Rights and Political Development, 1991-2009, stated:
“There are also numerous reports of summary executions or people being tortured to
death, carried out by military personnel in the many military detention camps throughout
the country. Extrajudicial killings take place not only in detention centres and prisons,
but also in the context of everyday life in rural and urban areas. A number of people PDF page 35
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have been shot near the Sudanese and Ethiopian borders, allegedly for attempting to
cross the border illegally. Apparently, military personnel on the border have standing
orders to shoot on sight if people are attempting to flee the country. Furthermore, the
government has authorised the use of lethal force against anyone resisting or
attempting to flee during military searches for deserters and draft evaders in the cities; a
practice that reportedly has resulted in many deaths.” [19] (p14)
8.12 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“Human Rights Watch were told by a number of sources that there is an official „shoot-
to-kill‟ policy in operation against all those trying to cross the border. A former officer in
exile told Human Rights Watch that such an order was in effect: „Now the law is killing
people for crossing the border. The law changed one year ago‟. Another more senior
officer, specified: „There was a circular. There has been such a large number of people
[crossing] that there was an announcement that anyone who crosses the border will be
shot.‟” [29c] (p39)
AVENUES OF COMPLAINT
8.13 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that during 2010: “There were reports that [the] police demanded
bribes to release detainees and that military forces accepted money to smuggle citizens
from the country. There were no mechanisms to address allegations of official abuse,
and impunity was a problem.” [3b] (section 4)
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9. NATIONAL SERVICE
The information in this section has been obtained from a number of sources, some of
which give differing information about national service and how it is implemented in
practice. For example, sources differ on what age national service starts and ends for
men and women. As a result, it is not possible to be definitive about how the legislation
governing national service and the other aspects of national service are im plemented in
practice.
GENERAL BACKGROUND
9.01 A German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) academic paper about the
national service programme by Nicole Hirt, dated January 2010 (GIGA paper 2010),
stated:
“In November 1991 the provisional government of Eritrea, formerly the Eritrea People‟s
Liberation Front (EPLF), introduced a mandatory national service (Proclamation
18/1991) for all Eritreans, male and female, aged 18 to 40. Initially, this service included
six months of military training and 12 months of work on reconstruction and
development projects. One important aim of the national service is „to serve as an
instrument for socializing Eritrean youth into the values and characteristics of the
EPLF‟. Although there has not been much enthusiasm for the program since its
beginning, it was initially accepted as a national duty. In early 1998, a few months
before the war with Ethiopia started, a national development campaign was announced PDF page 36
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and all those who had finished their national service were remobilized. When the war
started, they were directly integrated into their specific army positions. Since the end of
the war in 2000 there has been no significant demobilization of the army, which consists
of more than 350,000 people, while every year new rounds of young men and women
have been drafted.
“In summer 2002 the government announced the so-called Warsay Yikealo
Development Campaign [WYDC]. The younger generation is referred to as warsay,
meaning „inheritor‟ or „follower,‟ While yikealo denotes a wise elderly person, a term the
government uses explicitly for the fighter generation. The younger generation is
supposed to follow in the footsteps of the former fighters by internalizing and practicing
the values of self-sacrifice, hard work and dedication to the Eritrean nation in the form of
unlimited and unpaid service. The introduction of the WYDC meant de facto that the
national service was no longer limited to 18 months (as a matter of fact, all those
remobilized in 1998 had already spent years in the military) but rather became open-
ended.” [67]
9.02 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, also provided background information about the national service
programme:
“Eritrea is a highly militarised society shaped by war, run by warriors and in which
citizenship has come to be equated with indefinite national service - associated not with
rights but with obligations. The ethos of the armed struggle permeates all aspects of
public life, and the country has proved unable, as yet, to escape its violent past.
Immediately after independence, the EPLF [Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front] created
a system of national service, the core component of which was military, centred on the
training camp at Sawa, where it sought to inculcate the next generation with the culture
and spirit of the liberation struggle. Sawa was conceived as the foundation stone of the
nation-building process. Initially, it was a potentially constructive arrangement: all men
and women between the ages of eighteen and 50 were to undergo six months of
military training, followed by twelve months either of active duty deployment or
developmental work.
“Several such rounds were completed between 1993 and 1998. However, the war with
Ethiopia brought a fundamental change, as the national service commitment became, in
effect, indefinite. Young Eritreans were swiftly absorbed into a military machine with little
prospect of eventual demobilisation or even appropriate levels of leave. In 2002, this
was formalised by the creation of the Warsai Yikalo [“those who follow the powerful”]
development campaign, which amounted to the institutionalisation of the liberation
struggle on a massive scale. Today hundreds of thousands are trapped in the system,
since despite commitments made after the 2000 ceasefire, the demobilisation program
is largely suspended. The small groups which have been released from time to time are
often composed of those who are chronically ill, and their numbers are swiftly replaced
by new recruits caught in periodic round-ups.
“The government‟s position is that national service is necessary for nation-building, to
imbue younger people with a sense of loyalty, discipline and patriotism and to break
down regional, ethnic and religious barriers. It defends the prominent role of the military,
arguing that Eritrea is surrounded by enemies, so cannot afford to let down its guard.”
[18] (pages 9-10) PDF page 37
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9.03 The Eritrea section (29 June 2009 update) of the War Resisters International website,
accessed on 13 January 2011, provided the following information:
“In 1991 the provisional government of Eritrea introduced compulsory national service,
including military service (Decree no. 11/1991 of 6 November 1991). However, until May
1994, the 1991 decree was not implemented.
“After officially achieving independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the 1991 Decree was
initially revised (Decree 71/1995), but later replaced with the 23 October 1995 Decree
on national service [Proclamation No 82/1995].” [64]
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NATIONAL SERVICE PROCLAMATION 82/1995
9.04 The National Service Proclamation No 82/1995 issued by the Eritrean Government on
23 October 1995 sets out the national service requirements in full. Article 2 of the
Proclamation stated that: “„National Service‟ will mean the general service that a citizen
will give in active national service and in reserve military service, under the present
proclamation…„Active National Service‟ will mean the training and service that a citizen
[referred to as a “Trainee”] fit for national service under Article 8 of this proclamation will
undergo for 18 months”. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.05 Article 6 of the National Service Proclamation states that: “…any Eritrean citizen from
18 to 50 years of age has the obligation of carrying out national service.” Article 8 of the
Proclamation states that: “…all Eritrean citizens from the age of 18 to 40 years have the
compulsory duty of performing Active National Service. Active National Service consists
of six months of training in the National Service Training Center and 12 months of active
military service and development tasks in military forces for a total of 18 months.” The
use of the term “active national service” in the National Service Proclamation refers to
military training and national service duties but does not include reserve military service.
[13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.06 Article 9 states that “…any Eritrean citizen from the age of 18 to 40 years called upon to
undertake active national service has the compulsory duty of undertaking military
training for six months in the National Service Military Training Center”. Article 13 (i)
adds that anyone declared unfit for military training may be obliged to undertake 18
months of active national service in “any public and Government organ according to
their capacity and profession.” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.07 Article 11 of the National Service Proclamation states that citizens have to register at a
registration centre for national service when called upon to do so by the Ministry of
Defence. Youths who are 17 years old are expected to regist er for national service at a
registration centre without being formally instructed to by the Ministry of Defence.
[13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.08 Article 12 of the National Service Proclamation covers the categories of p eople who are
exempt from “Active National Service”, and these are:
“(1) The citizens who have performed National Service before the promulgation of this
proclamation; PDF page 38
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37
“(2) All Fighters and Armed peasants who have proved to have spent all their time in
the liberation struggle;” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.09 Article 13 of the National Service Proclamation covers individuals who are unfit for
military service and states that:
“(1) Those citizens who have been declared unfit for military [service] by the Board
composed of the Ministry of Regional Administration of other Government Organs under
the directives given by the Ministry of Defence will undertake 18 months of National
Service in any public and Government organ according to their capacity and profession.
“(2) After completing 18 months of service they will have the compulsory duty of
serving according to their capacity until the expiry of 50 years of age under mobilization
or emergency situ ation directives given by the Government.” [13] (National Service
Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
See Exemption on medical grounds
9.10 Article 14 of the National Service Proclamation covers exemptions that are only valid for
a limited period, and mainly affects students. Article 15 of the Proclamation deals with
medical exemptions and states that individuals who are disabled, blind or suffer from
psychological derangement, can be given official exemption fr om all types of national
service - not just military service. Article 16 of the Proclamation states that the Ministry
of Defence decides what type of national service individuals have to complete.
[13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
See Exemption on medical grounds
9.11 Article 17 sets out the regulations that relate to exit from the country when either being
eligible for the draft or performing national service. According to this A rticle, an Eritrean
citizen eligible for national service may travel abroad “upon giving evidence that he is
exempted from National Service or that he has completed his service by producing a
Certificate of Service” or, alternatively, by “producing a regis tration card and entering
into a bond of 60,000 Birr as security that he will return to resume his duty when called
upon to do so.” Article 18 of the Proclamation states that the Ministry of Defence has the
responsibility to resolve problems individuals ma y have with the length and nature of
national service they have to undergo. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
See Demobilisation
9.12 Article 21(1) of the National Service Proclamation sta ted that “during a mobilization or
war period anyone in Active National Service is under the obligation of remaining even
beyond the prescribed period unless the concerned Authority allows him to leave
officially.” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.13 Article 22 of the National Service Proclamation provides details of the rights and
privileges of the individuals in national service. These include food, lodging, transport,
uniform, medical services, and payment. Individuals who have c ompleted active
national service have the right to return to their previous employment - whether this is in
the public sector or private sector. PDF page 39
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9.14 Articles 23 to 32 of the National Service Proclamation deals with service in the reserve
army. Article 23 states that:
“1) -The citizen[s] mentioned below are subject to compulsory service in [the] reserve
Army:
- Anyone that has completed active National Service;
- Anyone that was rehabilitated because he had joined the Armed Struggle; Fighters
and militia in civil life.
- Former fighters working in private, public and government work;
- Citizens who have been discharged from the army or Police.
2) -The citizens mentioned in Sub-Art. (1) of this article have the compulsory duty of
service until the age of 50.” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.15 Article 37 relates to the penalties for evading national service duties, including attempts
to evade national service by deliberate self -inflicted injury. [13] (National Service P roclamation
of 23 October 1995)
The full text of National Proclamation 82/1995 can be accessed using the weblink
below:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,LEGAL,,LEGISLATION,ERI,,3dd8d3af4,0.html
See Exemptions; Penalties for evading national service; Exit and return
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NATIONAL SERVICE IN PRACTICE
9.16 The United States State Department Trafficking in Persons Report 2011, published on
27 June 2011, stated:
“Under the parameters set forth in the Proclamation of National Service (No. 82/1995),
men aged 18 to 54 and women aged 18 to 47 are required to provide 18 months of
military and non-military public works and services in any location or capacity chosen by
the government. Some national service conscripts, however, are required to continue
their service indefinitely, beyond the duration specified by law, with many required to
serve in their positions for over 10 years under the threat of inhumane treatment,
torture, or punishment of their families. There have been reports that some Eritrean
conscripts are forced to build private homes for army officers, as well as to perform
agricultural labor on farms and construction activities for firms owned by the state, the
ruling party, senior army officers, and private investors, functions outside the scope of
the proclamation. The military‟s four command zones reportedly undertake diversified
economic activities, including trading, farming, property development, and infrastructure
construction, for the enrichment of the government, the ruling party, and high-ranking
army officers using conscripted labor. National service conscripts could not resign from PDF page 40
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39
their jobs or take new employment and could not leave the country, as those under
national service were often denied passports or exit visas.” [3d]
9.17 The Human Rights Watch (HRW) report Service for Life - State Repression and
Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“Although the war with Ethiopia ended in 2000, in May 2002 the government introduced
the Warsai Yekalo Development Campaign (WYDC), a proclamation that indefinitely
extended national service…the WYDC was a national effort in which the generation that
had fought for independence would join with new recruits to build the nation. In effect, it
meant the forced conscription of every adult male up to the age of 50, although some
refugees claim 55 is now the upper limit, with other sources claiming up to 57 for men
and 47 for women…not all national service is military service, since many conscripts are
not deployed in the army but on civilian projects, or are assigned to commercial
enterprises with their salary paid to the Ministry of Defence. However, the Ministry of
Defence is in control of the national service program and if someone working on a
construction project were to abscond they are still be [sic] regarded as a deserter under
military law.
“Refugees interviewed by Human Rights Watch emphasized that there was no
difference between military and civilian national service - conscripts are equally at the
mercy of the state…military duties are only one of a number of different assignments
that conscripts can be tasked with, although it is the most common.” [29c] (pages 43-44)
9.18 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a l etter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“Officially, the Eritrean Ministry of Defence runs the military/national service
programme. However, in practice other ministries are involved in the assignment of
people to national service positions in ministerial dependencies…when students finish
school in the Sawa miltary/school camp, they are automatically assigned to either
military service, another type of national service or further education, and are given the
relevant documents to that effect at that time. Other Eritreans are forcefully brought into
military/national service as a result of round-ups or house searches. Military service or
national service call-up documents are not issued to these individuals and they are not
informed in advance that they have to undergo military/national service…in principle,
individuals have no choice about their military/national service assignment though some
may be able to influence where (e.g Asmara). Individuals are generally arbitrarily
transferred by their commanders or supervising officers. There are no standard rules
with regard to such transfers.” [10a]
9.19 The Human Rights Watch World Report 2011: Eritrea, published on 24 January 2011,
stated that “ …in practice, national service is routinely prolonged indefinitely. National
service conscripts are paid a pittance and often used as cheap, involuntary labor on
projects personally benefiting ranking civilian and military leaders. They have been used
as forced labor to implement development projects.” [29b]
9.20 The Awate report, 21st Round: „Yimerena‟lo‟ , dated 13 July 2007, stated that students
were sent to different military training centres, based on their examination results: PDF page 41
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“The 21st [national service] round includes two groups: those assigned to Sawa and
those assigned to WiA. The Sawa contingent left on July 4th [2007]; a day later, the WIA
contingent followed suit. The difference in assignments is based on examination results:
those who score 50 or higher are sent to Sawa and those who score below 50 are sent
to WiA.
“Sawa military camp, which long had been a dreaded destination, has suddenly
emerged as a premium choice simply because it compares favorably to WiA, an even
more punishing landscape.” [27n]
9.21 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“After six months of compulsory military training, national service conscripts are
deployed indefinitely in one of several possible activities. Many conscripts are simply
drafted into military service and are deployed in regular military units. One refugee
interviewed by Human Rights Watch was sent to work as clerk in a court in Asmara,
another was sent to work as a mechanic in a civilian garage repairing trucks in Asmara.
Others described working on farms or mines owned by the state or the PFDJ ruling
party, or building roads and bridges. Regular military units, conscripted military
personnel, and prisoners are all also engaged in similar activities - building, mining, and
farming...the projects on which conscripts are deployed are not just public works for the
national good. They are often sent to work on private construction projects, building
houses for military leaders, and working on private farms. Human Rights Watch and
Amnesty International have both previously documented the use of conscript labor for
the benefit of ranking members of the military and the government…it is not just
conscripts who are providing cheap labor for the benefit of military leaders. Prisoners
are regularly employed and school children are made to work during their school
holidays. The national program for school children is called Mahtot.” [29c] (pages 51-56)
9.22 Students may also be r equired to work on national service projects which are part of a
Summer Work Programme (SWP). The Eritrean Ministry of Information (Shabait)
article, Summer Work Program Effectively Undertaken in Anseba Region, dated 23 July
2010, provided details about the SWP:
“Summer Work Program is underway in the Anseba region in an effective manner,
according to Mr. Kifle Solomon, coordinator of the program.
“He explained that the activities involve the construction of embankments and terraces,
digging of holes for planting tree seedlings, gardening, renovation of roads, micro-dams
and water reservoirs. More than 4,000 students are taking active participation in the
campaign being undertaken in 42 stations, in addition to about 166 agricultural experts
and teachers…the Administrator of Debresina administrative area, Mr. Yikaalo
Asgedom, on his part stressed the significance of the SWP in providing conducive
ground for students to share experience and develop the culture of hard work.” [46f]
See also Women - national service
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41
PAYMENT FOR NATIONAL SERVICE
9.23 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“According to escaped conscripts, the normal „allowance‟ during training is 50 Eritrean
Nakfa per month (about US$3). After 18 months training while on national service, this
is increased to 150 Nakfa a month ($9). This is the same amount paid to former soldiers
recalled for service during the 1998-2000 war and still mobilized as well as for the over-
50s who have been mobilized to serve in a reserve militia. Some of those conscripted
prior to 1998 appear to have been incorporated into the regular army and receive
salaries accordingly. Regular soldiers are paid a salary of 330 to 3,000 Nakfa ($20 to
$183) depending on rank…for regular recruits on national service, 150 Nakfa does not
constitute a living wage, nor is their labor given freely. Refugees interviewed by Human
Rights Watch refused to refer to the money they were paid as a salary, preferring
instead to call it „pocket money‟. All complained that it was insufficient to live on and
completely inadequate to feed a family. Western diplomats and UN officials confirmed
that making ends meet on such amounts was impossible in Eritrea.” [29c] (p52-53)
9.24 An academic paper entitled The Eritrean National Service: A Missed Opportunity , by
Professor Gaim Kibreab, presented to a conference of Citizens for Democratic Rights in
Eritrea, held in London on 11 January 2009, stated:
“Large numbers of skilled individuals, whilst formally remaining in the army, are
systematically released to work for the government and the ruling party without
payment, save the pittance paid monthly. In the beginning, the agelglot [national service
conscripts] received 50 Nakfa (ERN), i.e. equivalent to US $7 per month and this was
later increased to ERN 150 (US $10). This was again increased to N 450 (US $22) in
the mid-2002 but the value of the Eritrean currency, ERN, had by then depreciated and
inflation skyrocketed so much that the increase of the allowance did not make any
difference to the situation of the conscripts. With the exception of the tegadelti (ex-
fighters), nearly all Eritreans working for the government and the ruling party who are
between the ages of 18 and 51 have been receiving no salaries or wages since 1998,
save some professionals who were issued „demobilisation ID cards‟ without being
demobilised who were subsequently given civilian assignment while remaining under
the auspices of the NS [national service] and the WYDC [Warsay Yikealo Development
Campaign]. For example, most teachers, engineers, bankers, clerks, architects,
electricians, mechanics, welders, nurses, dressers, bricklayers, masons, unskilled
construction and agricultural labourers, etc. within the eligibility age working for the
government and the ruling party receive no wages or salaries. Not only does this
represent loss of indispensable income to families but also the effect of the loss of
income on demand in combination with the government‟s hostile policy on private
enterprise have wiped out Eritrea‟s entrepreneurial culture.” [66]
9.25 Regarding individuals in national service work programmes, the GIGA 2010 paper
stated that:
“They receive a „salary‟ of approximately 500 nakfa per month (approximately €25)
and live under military discipline even when working on civil activities. Some educated
persons are allowed to perform their national service in the offices of the administration,
but they still do not receive payment. Thus, it is the government, the PFDJ, the mass PDF page 43
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organizations, and the senior army officers that are the beneficiaries of the campaign.
Party-owned construction firms operate mainly with national service conscripts. The four
military command zones are involved in economic activities such as trading, farming,
property development and infrastructure construction, all of which are based on the
unpaid labor of the conscripts.” [67]
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PENALTIES FOR EVADING NATIONAL SERVICE
Legal penalties
9.26 Article 37 (Penalties) of the National Service Proclamation 82/1995 lists a range of
sanctions which exist for evading national service, and is sub -divided into four sections.
Art 37(1) states that any viola tion of the Proclamation is punishable by two years
imprisonment or a fine, or both. Art 37(2) states that avoidance of national service by
deceit or self -inflicted injury is punishable by up to two years imprisonment or a fine,
followed by national servic e. If the self -inflicted injury precludes national service, the
prison term is three years. Art 37(3) states that individuals who travel abroad to avoid
national service and return before they are 40 years of age must undertake national
service. The penalt y for individuals who return after the age of 40, but are under 50, is
imprisonment for five years; and they also lose the right to employment, to own a
business licence, to be issued with an exit visa, and to own land. Art 37(4) states that
the punishment for deliberately delaying being registered for national service or avoiding
national service by deceit or the use of obstructive methods is two years imprisonment
or a fine, or both. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.27 The Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights report, The Lasting Struggle for Freedom
in Eritrea - Human Rights and Political Development, 1991 -2009 (Oslo Centre 2009
report), published on 22 October 2009, stated:
“The legal penalty for evading conscription or assisting in it is two years‟ imprisonment
(as per the National Service Regulations of 1995). Amnesty International reports,
however, that in practice offenders are being punished by their local commanding
officers without any form of trial, legal recourse or opportunity to appeal or redress. The
forms of punishment may vary, but usually consist of torture and arbitrary detention for
an indefinite period.” [19] (p94)
9.28 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
20 April 2011, stated that:
“In addition to the penalties imposed under the Proclamation on National Service, the
penalties stipulated in the Eritrean Transitional Penal Code also cover military
violations, including failure to enlist, or re-enlist, seeking fraudulent exemptions,
desertion, absence without leave, refusal to perform military service and infliction of
unfitness (injury to avoid service). The punishment ranges from six months‟ to 10 years‟
imprisonment depending on the gravity of the act. During emergencies or mobilizations,
the penalties are significantly more severe. Desertion is the most severely sanctioned
and entails imprisonment for up to five years. In times of mobilization or emergency this
can increase from five years to life, or, in the gravest cases, the death penalty, for PDF page 44
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43
desertion from a unit, post or military duties or for failure to return to them after an
authorized period of absence.
“In practice, punishment for military offences is carried out extrajudicially, and has been
reported to include „shoot to kill‟ orders, detention for long periods often in inhumane
conditions, torture and forced labour. Draft evaders/deserters are reported to be
frequently subjected to torture, while conscientious objectors can face severe physical
punishment as a means of forcing them to perform military service. Furthermore,
extrajudicial executions are allegedly ordered by local commanders and carried out in
front of military units for what are considered serious military offences.” [32b] (p11)
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Punishment of relatives of national service evaders
9.29 The Eritrea Daily report, Eritrea: Mutinying Army Units Free Over 600 Unjustly Jailed ,
dated 18 December 2008, stated that mutinying Eritrean army units had freed 618
people from a prison located in the South administrative zone. The people released
were the parents of children subject to military service. The report explained that:
“The parents were jailed for failing and in many cases even for simply refusing to pay an
arbitrary punitive fine of 50,000 Nafka imposed on them for not disclosing the
whereabouts of their children who were being sought out for conscription in the
military…according to local reports, the mutinying units used military force to free the
jailed parents only after prison guards declined calls to let the prisoners go free
voluntarily.” [21]
9.30 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“There are strict penalties for those who try and escape national service as well as for
any Eritreans who leave the country without government authorization. Families are
collectively punished if their relatives flee national service, usually by being jailed or
forced to pay fines…all of the deserters interviewed by Human Rights Watch were
fearful for the safety of their families and anxious that they would face the crippling
50,000 Nakfa fines, detention, or some other retribution such as the denial of business
permits or the forfeiting of land in lieu of a cash fine. Three former conscripts said their
mothers had been imprisoned for four months, two months, and two weeks respectively
because they could not afford to pay the 50,000 Nakfa fine.” [29c] (p45-46)
9.31 The Oslo Centre 2009 report stated:
“Since 2005, thousands of mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers, of draft evaders
and escapees have been arrested throughout Eritrea. For instance, reportedly around
179 women and 26 men were detained on 24 October 2005 in the highland town of
Dekemhare. The targets were parents whose children had fled the country over the last
several years. If a parent was not found, the eldest available brother or the closest adult
relative was detained. This wave of arrests followed earlier clamp-downs in the region.
Furthermore, over 500 relatives, mostly parents, of young men and women who have
avoided conscription or deserted the army, were reportedly arrested and held under
harsh conditions in Asmara in late 2006. As the flight of Eritrea‟s young men and PDF page 45
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women today has reached about 2000 per month, the regime has reportedly ceased the
practice of arresting parents or relatives of the escapees, as this would have implicated
an unmanageably large share of the population of the country.” [19] (p93)
9.32 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated:
“The government deployed military and police personnel throughout the country [in
2010], using roadblocks, street sweeps, and house-to-house searches to find deserters
and draft evaders. Security forces continued to detain and arrest parents and other
family members of individuals who evaded national service duties or fled the country.
There were reports that such parents were either fined 50,000 nakfa ($3,333) or forced
to surrender their children to the government. Government officials entered households
and confiscated property and livestock of draft evaders.” [3b] (section 1f)
See Human rights violations by the security forces
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ROUND-UPS (GIFFAS)
9.33 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, noted that:
“Conscription is generally managed by local councils, the smallest units of local
administration, sometimes referred to as kebelle, sometimes as memehidar, a general
word meaning „administration‟. These council officials maintain detailed records on the
individual families in their area and ensure that those of age are conscripted. But in
larger towns, the police or military also try to capture evaders or deserters through ad
hoc round-ups. Round-ups of the population in towns and villages - known as giffa in
Tigrinya - are common and constitute a kind of modern press-ganging. Anyone of age
found without the relevant documents exempting them from national service is taken to
the military camps of Sawa and Wi‟a for training…even aside from evaders and
deserters, any civilian who forgets their identification or travel documents is at particular
risk of being rounded up in a giffa and arbitrarily detained.” [29c] (pages 48-49)
9.34 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 11 October 2010, provided the
following information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“Occasionally, the local authorities [Kebelles] issue letters to those who have not
entered into the military urging them to do so. Round-ups are normally carried out by
the military…the most common form of assistance is through informing the military of
any individuals who have not undertaken military training. They usually get this
information through „informants‟. The Kebelles distribute call-up papers to those found in
breach of the rules on military training.” [10f]
9.35 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“It is important to note that there are no set government policies or standard
procedures regarding how round-ups are organised. Military service round-ups take
place usually around 4 to 5 times a year but can occur more frequently or less
frequently, and usually coincide with public holidays when large numbers of people are PDF page 46
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45
out and about. They can occur in various parts of Eritrea and are not confined to one
particular part of it. Once rounded up, people are sent from Asmara to the Adi Abeto
camp for processing and onward assignment.” [10a]
9.36 The same source explained that conscripts are taken to the Adi Abeto camp after being
rounded up, according to information obtained from Eritrean sources. [10a]. Information
in the HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, [29c] (p48 -49), and an Awate report, Eritrean regime
rounds up thousands of Keren youth , dated 12 March 2007, indicated that conscripts
had been taken to other military camps. [27o]
9.37 The Awate report , Back to Eritrea: Eight Million Nakfas Missing; Thousands of Youth
Rounded Up, dated 23 May 2009, stated:
“In what has become an annual ritual since 2001, Eritrean government has rounded up
thousands of Eritreans, mostly the youth, from the environs of Asmara. Eyewitnesses
report that many youngsters who were fleeing from the military police (MPs) were
beaten cruelly to the extent of being hospitalised…the odd thing about the annual
roundups is that they occur during the Eritrean tourism season (May-August) and many
devoted government supporters in the Diaspora, having witnessed the cruelty of the
roundups and the dire condition of their families, come back disillusioned with the
government they support.” [27c]
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AUTHORISED LEAVE
9.38 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“There are no standard rules with regard to leave. Individuals have no entitlement to
leave, and cannot request it, but can be given it arbitrarily by local commanding officers.
If a military commander authorises leave for an individual, documents are issued
specifying where that person may travel to and for how long (usually one month
maximum). We do not know whether leave papers are issued in a printed standard
format or are handwritten.” [10a]
CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTION
9.39 The War Resisters‟ International World survey of conscription and conscientious
objection to military service (Eritrea section, June 2009 update), stated that “the right to
conscientious objection is not recognised”, and that conscientious objectors are
“detained - often indefinitely - without trial.” [64]. The HRW Service for Life - State
Repression a nd Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea report, published on 16 April 2009,
stated that the “National Service Proclamation of 1995 makes no provision for
conscientious objection to military service.” [29c] (p47)
9.40 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
on 20 April 2011, stated that: “No alternative or substitute service is available to those
objecting for reasons of consci ence, including members of the Jehovah‟s Witness PDF page 47
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movement who cannot, in accordance with their faith, carry arms. Those who object can
face extreme physical punishment as a means of forcing them to perform military
service.” [32b] (p17)
See also Jehovah‟s Witnesses
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STUDENTS AND CONSCRIPTION
9.41 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that:
“The government required all students who reached the final year of secondary school
to attend grade 12 at the Sawa military training facility in the western section of the
country. Students who did not attend this final year did not graduate and could not take
examinations that determined eligibility for advanced education. The remote location of
this military boarding school, security concerns, fear of abuse, and societal attitudes
reportedly resulted in many female students not enrolling for their final year and
attempting to leave the country. However, women could earn an alternative secondary
school certificate by attending night school after completing national service. Many
students elected to repeat grades or dropped out of high school after the 11th grade to
avoid forced conscription into the Sawa military education…All students spend their final
year of high school at the Sawa military and educational camp in Sawa. Attendance at
Sawa was compulsory and those who do not attend remain at risk of arrest. Students at
Sawa were typically 18 years old or older, although a fair percentage were as young as
16 years old. The initial three months of school were spent undergoing military training.
Students who received poor grades in high school had in the past been sent to the Wi‟a
Military Training Camp in lieu of being allowed to complete the academic year.”
[3b] (section 6)
9.42 The HRW Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea
report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“The preferred method of the Eritrean government is to conscript students into national
service straight from school, unless they are continuing higher education. To this end,
the final year of secondary school was moved to Sawa military camp in 2003. This 12th
grade takes place only in Sawa, under military authority, and incorporating military
training. Although many 12th grade students are 18 years old, or less, some are older
because they take longer to finish high school. Each round or intake of students
incorporates 8,000 to 9,000 students.
“Once they are in the camp, however, military service effectively starts then and there. A
teacher whose national service involved teaching in Sawa told Human Rights Watch,
„The students could not study. They were always being forced to leave the class for
some kind of military service.‟ A former student said he did not even enter 12th grade
but was ordered straight into national service in July 2007 even though he was less than
18 years old.” [29c] (p50)
9.43 The military authorities have made it difficult for students to escape from Sawa or to
avoid military training, as noted in the HRW Service for Life report: PDF page 48
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“National service is deeply unpopular, especially because new recruits know that there
is no prospect of it ending. Students have started escaping from Sawa camp during
their 12th grade year without completing school. Escape is no mean feat, because, as
described above, Sawa is in effect a huge prison. Those who made it described braving
machine gun fire, barbed wire fences, and several days of walking through the desert
without food and water.
“Some students, aware of their fate once they reach 12th grade have begun to
deliberately fail classes so that they can remain in the lower grades. Government
awareness of this practice has been to simply pull anyone of military age - 18 and
above - out of school altogether, even though it is normal for some students to take
extra years to finish school because they are poor or work on family farms…Wi‟a is
reportedly the camp where the „not so clever‟ students go. If it appears that a student
will not graduate [from] high school anyway, then the government will send him to Wi‟a
even before he has finished. One former student who was sent to Sawa explained, „In
school, if you are absent more than two weeks, you get sent to Wi‟a - for whatever
reason. Sawa is supposed to be for educated people. If you get kicked out of school,
you are not fit for education anyway, so you go to Wi‟a.” [29c] (pages 50-51)
See Children - Child labour
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EXEMPTIONS
9.44 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a le tter dated 11 October 2010, obtained the
following information from Eritrean sources about exemptions:
“Normally, married women or women with young children are exempt from military
service as are those registered disabled. The elderly have usually completed their
national service, but if conflict ensues they could be expected to take up arms. Military
commanders are able to authorise medical exemptions, with a report from a military
medical officer. There are no exemptions for those from a poor background or those
who have family members dependent on them through age or illness.” [10f]
Exemption of women
9.45 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“People who are disabled or medically unfit for military/national service, and pregnant
women can and have been exempted from military/national service…Married women
and women with children are exempt from military/national service. Single women who
become formally engaged are also exempt. Muslims and Christians are treated the
same (they are given no special allowances for prayers, etc) although it is believed that
Muslim women in rural areas are rarely called up. This may be due to early marriages
and the fact that those communities are made up of mostly poor, subsistence-farming
families.” [10a]
See also Women - national service PDF page 49
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Exemption on medical grounds
9.46 Article 13(1) of the Proclamation on National Service states that individuals who are
deemed to be medically unfit for military service may be given non -military duties as an
alternative to military service for a period of eighteen months. This will depend on the
nature of the illness or disability of the ind ividual concerned. For some individuals, this
will not be possible, and they will be exempt from all types of national service. Article 15
of the Proclamation allows individuals who are disabled, blind or psychologically
deranged to be exempt from national service altogether - whether this is military service
or some other type of national service. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995).
9.47 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“People who are disabled or medically unfit for military/national service, and pregnant
women can and have been exempted from military/national service. To be exempted,
these individuals have to be medically certified by a doctor at a military base as
disabled/medically unfit…doctors produce the medical reports needed and then make a
recommendation as to whether a particular individual should be exempted from
military/national service. The military authorities make the decision regarding exemption
and issue the relevant exemption documents.” [10a]
9.48 The Human Rights Watch Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report, published in April 2009, stated:
“„Psychological derangement‟ (article 14, 5.1[of the National Service Proclamation]) is
also a ground for exemption from military service, and this appears to be a popular way
to try and evade service. Recruits who have recently been in Sawa describe a dramatic
increase in the number of people in the camp showing signs of severe mental illness.
Recruits describe a new disease that has sprung up among young women drafted into
Sawa and Wi‟a training camps, called „lewt‟ and only known in the camps.” [29c] (p48)
Exemption of religious clerics
9.49 Full-time religious clerics are not automatically exempt from national service, as noted in
the International Christian Concern report, The Dismantling of the Eritrean Orthodox
Church, dated 23 April 2008:
“The Eritrean officials are forcefully sending ministers of the Eritrean Orthodox Church
to military training camps. As a consequence, Eritrean Orthodox churches throughout
the country are losing their leaders.
“At the end of 2006, the Eritrean government informed churches of its decision to
rescind a long-standing exemption of clerics from compulsory military service. The
Roman Catholic Church in Eritrea was the only church to express vehement and public
opposition to this unprecedented action. In contrast, the top leaders of the Eritrean
Orthodox Church, who have been hand-picked by the government, embraced the new
policy with open arms.
“Eritrean officials are now forcibly recruiting church ministers into military service on a
wide scale. On March 24, 2008, Eritrean officials issued replacement identity cards to a
limited number of the church‟s priests and deacons, exempting them from military PDF page 50
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training. The vast majority of the church‟s leaders, however, who did not receive
updated identity cards, are now required to go to military training camps.
“The largest Eritrean Orthodox Church in the country, St. Mary, in the capital city,
Asmara, had 96 ministers, but only 10 of them were issued IDs that exempted them
from military training. Similarly, in rural areas, where most Orthodox churches are
located, the maximum number of priests and deacons allowed to serve in any church is
10. The rest are expected to report for military service if they are under the age of 50.”
[30]
9.50 A letter from the British Embass y in Asmara, dated 1 April 2010, containing information
obtained from Eritrean sources, stated that: “Full -time religious clerics/nuns can be
required to do military/national service although in previous years they have been
exempt. It is believed that som e churches or mosques are limited to having a minimum
of serving religious members who are exempt from military/national service.” [10a]
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DETENTION OF NATIONAL SERVICE CONCRIPTS
9.51 The Human Rights Watch Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“Deserting from the army or even expressing dissent over the indefinite military service
is viewed as a political issue by the government. Therefore, most prisoners held for
political reasons are detained without charge or trial for refusing or questioning national
service or for offences punishable under military law. Even where detainees may have
committed a potential crime under military law, numerous former detainees told Human
Rights Watch that there was no system of military justice, that they were simply
imprisoned on the orders of their commanders without any courts-martial or other
procedure.
“Human Rights Watch spoke to over 40 deserters from the national service and the
military who had fled the country, all of whom had been thrown in jail multiple times
without due process. Their alleged offences ranged from questioning the educational
curriculum to being caught in prayer meetings to being suspected of trying to leave
national service.
“An officer in charge of a military prison who subsequently fled to Djibouti explained that
sentencing was completely arbitrary and commanders decide how long people remain
in jail…detention of conscripts who try to practice unregistered religions is common.
Several people who escaped from their military service told Human Rights Watch that
they were arbitrarily thrown in jail for secretly reading the Bible in Sawa camp or being
caught in prayer meetings.” [29c] (pages 27-29)
9.52 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea noted:
“Prison conditions remained harsh and in some cases life threatening [in 2010]…There
were reports that detention center conditions for persons temporarily held for evading
military service were also harsh and life threatening. During the year [2010] there were
hundreds of such detainees. Draft evaders were reportedly sent to the W‟ia military PDF page 51
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camp where, typically, they were beaten. Some were held for as long as two years
before being reassigned to their units. At one detention facility outside Asmara,
authorities continued to hold detainees in an underground hall with no access to light or
ventilation and sometimes in very crowded conditions.” [3b] (section 1c)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention; Arrest and detention - legal rights
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DEMOBILISATION
9.53 The Proclamation on National Service allows for demobilisation. The relevant article of
the Proclamation is Article 20, which states that except for cases provided for in Art icle
21(1), citizens who have completed Active National Service are allowed to be
discharged from duty. Also, citizens on Active National Service may be discharged
before the end of the term of their Active National Service. The Ministry of Defence has
the responsibility to issue citizens discharged from Active National Service with relevant
certification. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
Weblink to the National Service Proclamation:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,LEGAL,,LEGISLATION,ERI,,3dd8d3af4,0.html
9.54 The Oslo Centre 2009 report stated that “since the start of the Eritrea -Ethiopian war in
1998, national service recruits have been kept in the army for an indefinite period, as no
demobilisation has taken place.” [19] (p94)
9.55 The United States State Department Background Note on Eritrea, published on 9 March
2011, provided detailed information about the demobilization programme:
“In 1993, Eritrea embarked on a phased program to demobilize 50%-60% of the army,
which had by then shrunk to about 95,000. During the first phase of demobilization in
1993, some 26,000 soldiers - most of who enlisted after 1990 - were demobilized. The
second phase of demobilization, which occurred the following year, demobilized more
than 17,000 soldiers who had joined the EPLF before 1990 and in many cases had
seen considerable combat experience. Many of these fighters had spent their entire
adult lives in the EPLF and lacked the social, personal, and vocational skills to become
competitive in the work place. As a result, they received higher compensation, more
intensive training, and more psychological counseling than the first group. Special
attention was given to women fighters, who made up some 30% of the EPLF's combat
troops. By 1998, the army had shrunk to 47,000.
“The moves to demobilize were abruptly reversed after the outbreak of the 1998-2000
war with Ethiopia over the contested border. During the war, which is estimated to have
resulted in well over 100,000 casualties on the two sides, Eritrea's armed forces
expanded to close to 300,000 members, almost 10% of the population. This imposed a
huge economic burden on the country. The war ended with a cessation of hostilities
agreement in June 2000, followed by a peace agreement signed in December of the
same year. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates that the economy shrank
by more than 8% in 2000, although it rebounded somewhat in 2001. PDF page 52
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“The government has been slow to demobilize its military after the end of the conflict,
although it formulated an ambitious demobilization plan with the participation of the
World Bank. A pilot demobilization program involving 5,000 soldiers began in November
2001 and was to be followed immediately thereafter by a first phase in which some
65,000 soldiers would be demobilized. This was delayed repeatedly. In 2003, the
government began to demobilize some of those slated for the first phase; however, the
government maintains a „national service‟ program, which includes most of the male
population between 18-40 and the female population between 18-27.” [3a]
9.56 The Awate report, Colonels and Teachers: The Ravages of Militarized Education in
Eritrea, dated 14 March 2010, stated that demobilisation does not exempt individuals
from national service altogether:
“A plan to demobilize 200,000 soldiers, about two-thirds of the wartime army, started
only tentatively and soon stalled…instead, the government in May 2002 announced a
virtual extension of the open-ended national service system by announcing a new
mobilization drive termed the „Warsai-Yikealo development campaign‟ (WYDC)…even
those formally demobilized, provided they are still physically fit, remain members of the
National Reserve Army and are frequently called up for military refresher courses or
even renewed active military service or duty in the militarized work service.” [27e]
See also Armed forces
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10. JUDICIARY
ORGANISATION
10.01 The Lasting Struggle for Freedom in Eritrea report, published by the Oslo Centre for
Peace and Human Rights in October 20 09, provided the following information about the
organisation of the judiciary:
“In principle, Eritrea has three types of courts, although their separate jurisdictions may
at times be blurred: civil (three levels, including community and shari‟a courts), military
(two levels), and the special court. Furthermore, there are indications that there exists a
parallel secret system of extra-judicial sentencing of political prisoners that is not
anchored in any laws or presidential decrees.
“The civil court structure in Eritrea has three levels of authority. The Community Court
system was formally established in 2001 to ease the pressure on the higher courts. It
has a single-judge bench system filled by elected judges who hold jurisdiction over
cases relating to minor infractions of the law, involving sums of less than approximately
US$7300 (110,000 nakfa). The elected judges do not have any formal legal training, but
base their decisions on traditions of customary law in the area in which they serve. It is
reported, however, that magistrates versed in criminal law also hear criminal cases at
the level of the community courts. All decisions made by the community courts may be
appealed to provincial (zoba) courts. Most people‟s only contact with the legal system is
with the traditional community courts. As the higher levels of the Eritrean judiciary are
wholly inept and politically corrupted, the importance of the customary law-based village
courts as providers of justice is increasing. PDF page 53
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“The Zoba court is generally the court of first instance. It has civil, criminal, and
shari‟a benches. All first instance cases are heard by a single-judge bench system, but
the Zoba Court has a three-judge appellate bench that hears cases appealed from
determinations made by the Labour Office on employer-employee relations. The shari‟a
bench adjudicates matters of personal status of followers of Islam only. Decisions
rendered by any of the benches at the zoba court can be appealed to the appropriate
benches at the High Court.
“The High Court, although primarily an appellate court, is the court of first instance for a
significant proportion of cases involving murder, rape, and other serious felonies. It has
a three-judge bench system with jurisdiction in civil, criminal and commercial cases, and
shari‟a benches. Eritrea also has a five-judge bench that hears final appeals in lieu of a
Supreme Court. Although at the same level of all other benches in the High Court, the
final appeals panel functions much as a Supreme Court does and it is the bench of last
resort. The president of this bench is the President of the High Court and four other
judges from the other benches at the High Court. The President of the High Court
functions as Chief Justice.
“Although serving the civilian community, civil courts judges include former senior
military officers with no formal legal training. Judges are routinely appointed and
dismissed at the will of the government; despite the constitutional requirement that such
actions are supposed to be based on the recommendations of an independent Judicial
Service Commission (Articles 52 and 53 of the Constitution). Such a commission has
yet to be established in the country.
“The Military Court has jurisdiction over penal cases brought against members of the
armed forces in addition to crimes committed by and against the members of the armed
forces. The presiding judges in the Military Court are all senior military officers. The
Court is structured in two levels (higher and lower); the jurisdiction of these two levels
depends on the seriousness of the offences in question. Neither level, however, affords
the right of appeal to the accused. The higher level of the Military Court is part of the
Eritrean High Court…the Special Court was established in 1996 by President Isaias
Afwerki, in the aftermath of Eritrea‟s first publicly known corruption scandal in the mid
1990s, involving officials in the EPLF-owned Red Sea Trading Corporation. The statute
or law for the establishment of the Special Court is not available, and no published
records of its procedures or cases are available, as the court generally operates in
secrecy…the judges of the Special Court are predominantly senior military officers and
EPLF commanders hand-picked by the President and accountable to his office only.
Their recruitment to the Court is likely to be based on personal affiliations and loyalty to
the President, and their proven „toughness‟ in disciplining their troops. There are no
formal requirements of judicial training or competence, and many of the judges have
little or no legal training whatsoever. It is not known how many „benches‟ operate under
the Special Court.
“The Special Court is an executive-controlled separate jurisdiction, not under the
authority of the President of the High Court. The Office of the Attorney-General decides
which cases are to be tried by a Special Court. The Court primarily has jurisdiction over
criminal cases involving capital offences, theft, embezzlement, and corruption, and
other unspecified abuses by government, and party officials. The Special Courts also
issues directives to other courts regarding administrative matters…individuals arrested
under the Special Court are kept in detention incommunicado, usually in a secret
location, and there is no time limit on pre-trial detention. After the Court has decided PDF page 54
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upon a case, the detainee is transferred to an official prison or one of the many
detention camps scattered throughout Eritrea. All decisions passed by the court are final
and binding, as there is no appellate court. However, reportedly, in rare instances,
appeals made to the Office of the President have resulted in Special Courts rehearing
certain cases.” [19] (pages 40-43)
10.02 The quoted information above stated that community courts were set up in 2001 but the
Shaebia report, Community Courts Peacefully Resolve More Than Half of Cases
Presented, dated 7 November 2006, stated that:
“Since being officially established three years ago [in 2003], community courts have
helped thousands of people from traveling long distances, and the magistrates elected
by the people have been commended on successfully accomplishing their jobs in spite
of obstacles faced.
“A community court is composed of three judges, all having the same power in voting.
For documenting purposes however, at least one of the three has to be literate.
“It is to be recalled that the government launched on November 1, 2003 under
Proclamation 132/2003 community courts with a two-year term of office that could
formally resolve cases according to the customs and practices of the community.” [44b]
10.03 An academic study paper by Dr. Robert Winslow , undated, accessed on 4 February
2011, published by the San Diego State University (United States) stated:
“The judicial system has three parts: civilian, military, and special courts. The civilian
court system consists of village courts, subregional courts, regional courts, and the High
Court, which also serves as an appellate court…under the legal system, minor
infractions are brought to village courts and subregional courts. More serious offenses
are argued before regional courts, and cases involving murder, rape, and other serious
felonies are heard by the High Court. All cases except those argued before the High
Court are heard by a single judge; on the High Court, panels of three judges hear
cases…since the population is largely rural, most citizens only have contact with the
legal system through the traditional village courts. Village judges, who are appointed by
a panel composed of heads of regional courts, the regional prosecutor, and the regional
governor, hear civil cases. Magistrates versed in criminal law hear criminal cases. Many
local issues - for example, property disputes and most petty crimes - are adjudicated by
local elders according to customary law. Where both litigants are Muslims, civil cases
are heard under Shari'a law. The traditional courts cannot impose sentences involving
physical punishment.” [72]
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INDEPENDENCE
10.04 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“The law and unimplemented constitution provide for an independent judiciary;
however, in practice the judiciary was impotent. Judicial corruption remained a problem
[in 2010]. The judicial process was influenced by patronage of former fighters who later PDF page 55
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became judges. Executive control of the judiciary continued; the Office of the President
served as a clearinghouse for citizens' petitions to the courts or acted for the courts as
arbitrators or facilitators in civil matters.” [3b] (section 1e)
FAIR TRIAL
10.05 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated that:
“The judiciary suffered from a lack of trained personnel, inadequate funding, and poor
infrastructure that limited the ability of the accused persons to a speedy and fair trial,
and the fate of these detainees remains unknown. The drafting into national service of
many civilian court administrators, defendants, judges, lawyers, and others involved in
the legal system continued to have a significant negative effect on the judiciary. While
not prohibited, the government has in practice not issued licenses to lawyers seeking to
enter private practice for the past four years.” [3b] (section 1e)
See also Constitution
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11. ARREST AND DETENTION – LEGAL RIGHTS
11.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“The law stipulates that detainees must be brought before a judge within 48 hours of
arrest and may not be held more than 28 days without being charged with a crime. In
practice [the] authorities detained suspects for much longer periods without being
brought before a judge, charged with a crime, or in some cases even understanding the
reason for their detention. Some detainees, who were not given a right to due process,
were still in prison after a decade, and others have died while in detention…The law
stipulates that unless there is a „crime in progress,‟ police must conduct an investigation
and obtain a warrant prior to making an arrest. In cases involving national security, this
process may be waived. In practice very few individuals were arrested with a warrant.
Authorities did not promptly inform detainees of charges against them and often
changed the charges during detention. Detainees in prisons often did not have access
to counsel or appear before a judge.” [3b] (section 1d)
11.02 The Foreign and Commonw ealth Office (United Kingdom) Human Rights and
Democracy: The 2010 Foreign and Commonwealth Office report , published in March
2011, stated:
“Basic legal rights afforded by Eritrean law, including the prohibition of arbitrary and
indefinite detention, are routinely violated. President Isaias confirmed this approach in
May 2009 when he said publicly, in reference to the detention of Swedish-Eritrean
journalist Dawit Isaac, „We will not have any trial and he will not be released‟. In August
[2010], a senior government official confirmed that, in the case of Mr Isaac, „it was a
conscious decision from the government not to hold a trial‟”. [10b] (page 196)
See also Detention of national service and military service conscripts; Arbitrary arrest
and detention PDF page 56
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12. PRISON AND DETENTION CENTRE CONDITIONS
12.01 The United States State Departmen t 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, provided the following information about prison conditions:
“Prison conditions remained harsh and in some cases life threatening [in 2010]. Severe
overcrowding was common. Some prisoners were shackled in unventilated holding cells
for long periods of time in extreme heat, with outside temperatures reaching 120
degrees Fahrenheit, and died due to heat exhaustion in combination with other medical
conditions. There were reports that prisoners were held in underground cells or in
shipping containers with little or no ventilation in extreme temperatures. The shipping
containers were reportedly not large enough to allow all of those incarcerated to lie
down at the same time. Other prisoners were held in cement-lined underground bunkers
with no ventilation. Up to 200 prisoners were held in each bunker, and there are reports
that prisoners lost consciousness from the extreme heat while in detention.
“The government does not provide adequate provisions for basic and emergency
medical care in prisons and detention centres, and detainees were known to have died
due to lack of medical treatment during the year [2010]. Food provided was not
adequate. Potable water was generally not available, and one detainee reported going
without water for several days until providing [sic] money to purchase bottled water.”
[3b] (section 1c)
12.02 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report , published on 24 January 2011, stated
that:
“Torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment in detention are
routine. Former detainees report that detention almost always included severe beatings,
often leading to permanent bodily harm. Punishments also entail mock drowning, being
hung by the arms from trees, and being tied up in the sun in contorted positions for
hours or days.
“Poor detention conditions often amount to torture. Many prisoners are held in unlit
underground bunkers and in shipping containers with broiling daytime and freezing
nighttime temperatures. A woman with deep visible scars from beatings in detention told
a BBC reporter in 2010 she had been held 23 hours a day in an underground cell in
„unbearable‟ heat and made to walk on sharp rocks and thorns for an hour each day.”
[29b] (p2)
12.03 The Amnesty International 2011 Annual Report, published on 13 May 2011, stated:
“Prison conditions [in 2010] were extremely harsh, with many prisoners held in
overcrowded, unhygienic and damp conditions. Large numbers of detainees were held
in underground cells and others were locked in metal shipping containers, many in
desert locations creating extreme temperatures. Prisoners were given inadequate food
and unclean drinking water. Almost no medical assistance was available. Various
prisoners of conscience and political prisoners were reported to have died in detention,
but most reports were not confirmed by the authorities.” [6b] PDF page 57
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12.04 The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (United Kingdom) Human Rights and
Democracy: The 2010 Foreign and Co mmonwealth Office report , published in March
2011, stated:
“Conditions in prisons and detention centres are reported to be harsh and life-
threatening…many sites are below ground where prisoners are kept in dark cells.
Elsewhere, detainees are held in metal shipping containers where temperatures are
believed to reach the high 40s (°C). There are reports of severe overcrowding. Former
guards and detainees describe food, water and medical supplies being strictly limited or
withheld. There are multiple reports of systematic torture and people dying in detention.
Detainees have described a series of punishments where people are tied in painful
positions, for as long as weeks at a time.” [10b] (page 196)
12.05 As regards prison visits by NGOs and rela tives of prisoners, the United States State
Department 2010 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated: “During the year [2010] the
government did not permit the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) or any
local human rights organizations to monitor prison conditions. Since the shutdown of the
repatriation program during 2009, the government also denied the ICRC access to
Ethiopian prisoners of war detained in the country.” [3b] (section 1c)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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LOCATION OF PRISONS AND DETENTION CENTRES
12.06 The Human Rights Watch Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report (HRW Service for Life report), published on 16 April 2009,
stated:
“The total number of prisons in Eritrea is a mystery. Eritrea has a formidable network of
detention facilities, some of which are well known, and others secret, some authorized,
and others not…keeping track of all the detention facilities is extremely difficult because
each town and administrative district in Eritrea has a jail; wherever there is a police post
[there] is a cell; and each military division has its own prison. In addition, there are
secret facilities about which many rumors exist, such as Eiraeiro, where members of the
G15 are thought to be held…underground facilities were reported at Sawa, Track B, Mai
Serwa, Haddis Ma‟asker, Aderser, Alla, and Dahlak, among others. There are multiple
prisons in Camp Sawa, including several underground cells.” [29c] (p34)
12.07 The following is a list of places of detention in alphabetical order that have been
mentioned in sources accessed. The list should not be regarded as a complete or
comprehensive list of all the Eritrean detention facilities:
Aderser. Military camp/training centre, located 25 km from Sawa camp. [29c] (p93)
(HRW Service for Life report, 16 April 2009).
Adi Abeto . Main prison for Asmara; also used as a processing centre to send
prisoners elsewhere. Situated 10 to 15 km north east of Asmara, off the road to Keren.
[29c] (p93) (HRW Service for Life report, 16 April 2009). An Awate report, Eritrea‟s food
security: theory vs practice, dated 7 April 2008, stated: PDF page 58
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“The two story building generally functions as a holding bin, a „referral jail.‟ Nearly five
hundred prisoners are held there: those who have the resources are able to buy their
freedom by paying the penalty fee, which generally ends up in the pockets of a colonel
or a general. Those who do not have the means are sent to other prisons, like Track B
[Tract B], an underground prison or, if they are in the military, they are referred to the
military units, where they serve their terms. There is no court hearing, no police case
and no documentation.” [27a]
Adi Quala or Adi Qala. Military prison. Located 40 km north of Ethiopian border, off the
main road from Asmara through Mendefera. [29c] (p93) (HRW Service for Life report, 16
April 2009).
Agip, Asmara. The loca tion, according to Reporters Without Borders, of eight of the
nine state media journalists arrested in November 2006. “Located behind the „Capitol‟
cinema and opposite the presidential palace, this complex is „where the police take
detainees to torture the m before transferring them to their final destination,‟ a former
detainee told Reporters without Borders.” [20a] (Reporters Without Borders, Eight state
media journalists still held in police-run “Agip” centre in Asmara, 30 November 2006).
Alla or Ala . Located 40 km from Asmara, near Dekemhare town. [29c] (p93) (Human
Rights Watch Service for Life report, 16 April 2009).
Assab Front (aka „Gimbar‟) . Military prison in Assab. [29c] (p93) (HRW Service for Life
report, 16 April 2009).
Baharia Naval Base . Military facility in Massawa. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life
report, 16 April 2009).
Barantu. Civilian prison. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report, 16 April 2009).
Dahlek Kebir. Maximum security civilian prison. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report,
April 2009). Detention and prison facilities built on the main Dahlek island in the Red
Sea, with a capacity for 800 prisoners, and comprising eight large iron-sheet buildings.
[6c] (p21) (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, May 2004).
Duarwa. Located south of Asmara, on the road to Adi Quala before Adi Ugri. [29c] (p94)
(Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, 16 April 2009).
Eiraeiro. Filfil-Selomuna area north of the Asmara -Massawa road. A „secret‟ prison fo r
political prisoners. It was purpose -built in 2003, receiving the G15/G11 political
prisoners from Embatkala in June 2003. It is reported to be comprised of five main
blocks, with two main cell blocks, and 62 rooms used as cells; the standard cell size is 3
x 3 metres. An Awate article claims there are 36 political prisoners, and names most of
them, giving their cell numbers. Conditions are basic, and prisoners are chained and in
solitary confinement. A total of 150 guards and staff operate the prison. The guards are
heavily vetted and monitored. [27j] (Awate - The obscure and tragic end of the G -15,
31 August 2006).
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Galaalo military camp . Located on the Red Sea coast. (Amnesty International - You
have no right to ask, May 2004). Deaths of conscripte d students were reported in
August 2001. [6c]
Gedem prison . Located 40 km south of Massawa. It is alleged that prisoners in this
prison have been used to build a naval base. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report,
April 2009).
Ghatelay (Ghatielay). Military labour camp. Located about 40 to 45 km north west of
Asmara, off main road to Massawa. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report, April 2009).
Haddis Ma‟askar . An army prison equipped with underground cells. [6c] (Amnesty
International - You have no right to ask, May 2004). It is located near Gyrmayka, on the
Sudanese border. [17a] (United Nations IRIN - Eritrea: Another journalist detained ,
7 August 2002)
Halhalas. Sub-provincial prison. Located 45 km from Asmara. Specifically for persons
caught trying to cross the border. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report, April 2009).
Kambo Ndafurstale . Military jail located in Sanafe town. Military jail. [29c] (p94) (HRW
Service for Life report, April 2009).
Klima. Situated near Assab. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report, April 2009).
Mai Edaga. Located in Decamhare town. Shipping containers were reported as being
used as punishment blocks in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right
to ask, May 2004).
Mai Srwa . Prison outside Asmara. Used for the detention of political prisoners and
Pentecostal pastors. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report, April 2009).
Mai Temenei . An army prison equipped with underground cells. [6c] (Amnesty
International - You h ave no right to ask, May 2004). In May 2008, the camp was
mentioned as a detention centre for Ethiopian women detained circa 21 May 2008, in a
facility named as “the Enda Seal (TB Center)”. [27g] (Awate - Eritrea‟s prisoners of
conscience get a voice at the UN, 22 May 2008)
Metkelabet. Military prison belonging to the 32 division, located between Massawa and
Asmara. [29c] (p94) (HRW Service for Life report, April 2009).
Meiter. The Awate report , How the PFDJ treats voluntary and involuntary returnees ,
dated 10 July 2008, provided information about Meiter as a detention centre:
“Of all the prisons they have designed, Meiter is the most inaccessible locality so far.
Anyone once taken to Meiter will never ever be able either to communicate with his kin
or flee from the place. It is so far from the nearest towns and too arid that even if you
are allowed to go on your own, you will come back for fear of death due to thirst. These
returnees, even if allowed to meet with their family for a fraction of a second, will move
to that place in due time. The PFDJ will try any means to hoodwink the public till those
remaining in Libya and Egypt come back. After all of them arrive, Meiter will be full to
capacity.” [27i) PDF page 60
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Nakhura Island. Maximum security prison; part of the Dahlak complex of prisons. [29c]
(p95) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009).
Prima 1+2. Military prison. [29c] (p95) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April
2009).
Sawa Military Training Camp. Located along Sawa River, in far western Eritrea near the
border with Sudan, about 10 km south of the road midway between Sebderat and
Hawashayt. [29c] (p95) (HRW Service for Life report, April 2009). The complex includes
the prison camp of Brigade Six, comprising tem porary barracks built on a hilltop to the
right of the main camp. According to the testimony of an ex -prisoner, “Sawa prison is
made entirely of tin material…” and thus hot in the day and cold at night. It comprises of
12 tin barrack blocks. Malnutrition, poor hygiene and lack of medical attention reported,
with high levels of infections and diseases associated with poor living conditions. [27f]
(Awate - Testimony: ex-prisoner of Brigade Six, Sawa, 25 April 2006).
Sembel prison . Located in Asmara. An offic ially designated prison for political
prisoners. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, May 2004).
Tehadasso. Military prison. Shipping containers were reported as being used as
punishment blocks in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask,
May 2004).
Tessenei. Military prison, classified as a „rehabilitation centre‟. Allegations of torture,
beatings and general abuse reported in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You
have no right to ask, May 2004).
“Tract B” (also known as “Track B”) . Military prison. It comprises of a former
American storage facility near Asmara airport. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no
right to ask, May 2004). The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights
Report: Eritrea, stated that Track B was closed in 2010, and its prisoners were
transferred to other prisons and detention centres. [3b] (section 1c)
Tsererat. Military prison. “Mainly for EPLF veterans, held in underground cells.” [6c]
(Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, May 2004).
Wengel Mermera (Wenjel Mirmera). The AI May 2004 report stated that it is a special
security section in the 2nd police station, Asmara. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have
no right to ask, May 2004). The Asmarino report, Eritrea continues to hold thousands of
prisoners of faith , dated 11 March 2010 , described Wengel Mermera as a “…crime
investigation unit maximum security prison.” [68b]
Wi‟ya/W‟ia/Wieh. Military camp/training centre, located on the Red Sea c oast about 40
km south east of Massawa, off the road to Assab. [29c] (p95) (HRW Service for Life
report, 16 April 2009).
The Awate report , Scores of Eritreans die at W‟ia , dated 3 October 2007 , provided
details: “Wia is not a single camp. It represents a cluster of several camps, including
one used exclusively as a detention center. Among the commanders in Wia are: Lt. Col. PDF page 61
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Jemal, Lt. Col. Weddi Haile and Capt. Ramadan…it holds two large groups of Eritreans
protesting unjust laws: military conscription es capees/evaders and members of banned
churches.” [27d]
See also the Annex in the Human Rights Watch report, Service for Life - State
Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea.
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/eritrea0409web_0.pdf
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13. DEATH PENALTY
13.01 The Amnesty International Death Sentences and Executions 2010 report, published on
28 March 2011, classed Eritrea as one of those countr ies “ …which retain the death
penalty for ordinary crimes such as murder but can be considered abolitionist in practice
in that they have not executed anyone during the past 10 years and are believed to
have a policy or established practice of not carrying out executions.” [6a]
13.02 Similarly, a report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the United Nations
Human Rights Council for the purposes of a United Nations Universal Periodic Review
stated:
“In Eritrea, the death penalty is applied with extreme caution. It is the mandate of the
Ministry of Justice to forward the judgments where death penalty is pronounced,
together with its opinions, to the President of the State of Eritrea. The President of the
State of Eritrea may remit or commute the sentence. The Constitution of Eritrea
guarantees against deprivation of life without due process of law. The Transitional Penal
Code of Eritrea, on its part, provides that a sentence of death may not be passed except
in cases where there are no extenuating circumstances. It further provides that the
death penalty may not be pronounced on any person who commits an offence under the
age of eighteen years or in a state of limited responsibility. In the case of a prisoner who
is seriously ill, carrying out execution of the sentence is prohibited while that prisoner
continues to be in that state. In the case of [a] convicted woman who is pregnant or
have [sic] children less than three years of age the sentence is commuted to rigorous
imprisonment for life.” [73a]
13.03 The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (United Kingdom) Human Rights and
Democracy: The 2010 Foreign and Commonwealth Office report , published in March
2011, stated that: “Although we have no reports of the death sentence being passed by
the courts there are numerous reports of summary executions.” [10b] (page 196)
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14. POLITICAL AFFILIATION
FREEDOM OF POLITICAL EXPRESSION
14.01 The United State s State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, noted that: “The law and unimplemented constitution provide citizens with PDF page 62
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the right to change their government peacefully; however, citizens were not allowed to
exercise this right in practice.” [3b] (section 3)
14.02 The Freedom in the World 2011 Report , published by Freedom House on 4 May 2011 ,
explained that:
“A new constitution was ratified in 1997, calling for „conditional‟ political pluralism and an
elected 150-seat National Assembly, which would choose the president from among its
members by a majority vote. However, this system has never been implemented, as
national elections have been postponed indefinitely. President Isaias Afwerki has
remained in office since independence. In 2004, regional assembly elections were
conducted, but they were carefully orchestrated by the PFDJ and offered no real choice
to voters. The PFDJ and the military, both strictly subordinate to Isaias [Afwerki], are in
practice the only institutions of political significance in Eritrea.” [9a] (Political Rights and Civil
Liberties)
FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND ASSEMBLY
14.03 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea stated that:
“The law and unimplemented constitution pro vide for freedom of assembly and
association; however, the government did not permit either. For public gatherings, the
government required those assembling to obtain a permit, although this requirement
was enforced sporadically.” [3b] (section 2b)
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OPPOSITION GROUPS AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS
14.04 The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook section on Eritrea (updated 14
July 2011) lists the names of various opposition groups and the names of their leaders:
“Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) [HAGOS, Mesfin]; Eritrean Islamic Jihad or EIJ
(includes Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement or EIJM also known as the Abu Sihel
Movement); Eritrean Islamic Salvation or EIS (also known as the Arafa Movement);
Eritrean Liberation Front or ELF [ABDULLAH Muhammed]; Eritrean National Alliance or
ENA (a coalition including EIJ, EIS, ELF, and a number of ELF factions) [HERUY Tedla
Biru]; Eritrean Public Forum or EPF [ARADOM Iyob].” [1]
14.05 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided an analysis of the political opposition:
“Political debate and pluralism have rarely flourished in Eritrea: briefly in the late 1940s;
as part of the underground nationalist movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s; and
then even more briefly in 2000-2001. The EPLF [Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front] is
the product of a splinter opposition movement to the then-dominant ELF. The civil war
between the ELF [Eritrean Liberation Front] and EPLF confirmed in the minds of its
leadership that there was no room for debate and dissent in the vortex of violent
competing nationalisms and in the face of the powerful Ethiopian enemy. Therefore, the
EPLF permitted no other liberation front to operate within the country, just as it accepted
no disunity within its own ranks. Once driven into Sudan in 1981 and then scattered into
European and North American exile, however, the ELF spawned a range of movements PDF page 63
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that opposed the EPLF from abroad. While some fighters and factions rejoined the
EPLF in the late 1980s, the rest remained firmly outside the political fold.
“There consequently has always been a broad opposition outside the country, ranging
from branches of the ELF; to ethnocentric „liberation‟ organisations (notably Kunama
and Afar); to new parties fronted by former EPLF leaders and other dissidents in exile.
These remain divided. Some advocate constitutional, negotiated transition and thus a
degree of engagement with the EPLF; others call for renewal of armed struggle. There
are also starkly different perceptions of the regime, whether as a Tigrinya dictatorship or
a manifestation of Christian hegemony. Thus, there are sometimes sharp
disagreements between Tigrinya highlanders in exile - especially those associated with
the armed struggle - and Muslims - especially those from or purporting to represent the
lowlands. There are likewise disagreements over leadership and structure.
“No legal opposition party or broad opposition movement exists - yet - in the country.
Hostility to the government is manifest in silent, fearful, brooding disengagement from
the state and tacit withdrawal of support from the tegadelay [“EPLF fighter” (Tigrinyan)]
generation. Yet, despite the deep disillusionment and low morale, overseas opposition
parties are regarded somewhat sceptically. Ordinary citizens are not yet persuaded that
any of them would significantly improve their lot. Many believe the leaders of some of
these movements are cut from much the same cloth as the president and are at the
least unsure of their democratic credentials…the only opposition movement of any
significance which operates inside Eritrea, at least part of the time, is Eritrean Islamic
Jihad (EIJ), an armed, radical Islamic front. Founded in the early 1980s, it enjoyed the
support of both the Sudanese government and Osama bin Laden in the 1990s. It
continues to operate covertly at a relatively low level in the western lowlands and
northern mountains. Until the recent thaw in relations with Sudan, Asmara regularly
accused Khartoum of providing support and bases to enable it to cross the remote
border with ease. Despite the low-level of its activities, EIJ has potential to tap into the
alienation of young Muslims, who are increasingly aggrieved at state interference in
Muslim institutions, land alienation, the economic domination of highlanders (especially
in the western lowlands), the state‟s refusal to recognise Arabic as an official language,
the lack of Muslim representation in the upper echelons of the political and military
leadership and the recruitment of Muslim women into the army.” [18] (pages 12-13)
14.06 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
on 20 April 2011, stated that: “Although the Constitution guarantees the right to form
political organizations, the People‟s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) rema ins
the only authorized political party in the country and has dominated public and private
life since 1994, when it came to power. All opposition groups have been driven out of
the country and, since late 2004, operate only in exile, mainly in neighbourin g
countries.” [32b] (pages 18-19)
14.07 The Asmarino report, Mesfin Hagos steps down as chair of EDP , dated 9 April 2009,
stated that Mesfin Hagos resigned from his post as head of the Eritrean Democratic
Party (EDP) in April 2009. The Central Council of t he EDP elected Tesfamichael
Yohannes to be the new head of the party. [68c]
14.08 The Awate report, Eight EDA Member Organization Agree To Unite Their Military
Wings, dated 9 May 2010, provided information about recent developments concerning
the political opposition: PDF page 64
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“On May 4, 2010, eight member organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance
(EDA), an umbrella organization of Eritrean opposition forces, signed a memorandum of
understanding to unify their military wings under one command.
“The eight signatories are:
(1) Eritrean Federal Democratic Movement (EFDM); (2) Eritrean Islamic Party for
Justice and Development (EIPJD); (3) Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF, also known as
„Jebha‟); (4) Eritrean People‟s Congress (EPC); (5) Democratic Movement for the
Liberation of Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK); (6) Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization
(RSADO); (7) Eritrean National Salvation Front (ENSF, also known as „Dehnet‟ or
„Inqaz‟); and (8) Eritrean People‟s Democratic Front (EPDF, also known as „Sagem‟).
Two additional member organizations of the EDA, the Eritrean Islamic Congress (EIC)
and the Eritrean Nahda Party (Nahda), which do not have military wings, have agreed,
in principle, with the memorandum of understanding.
“The agreement is a culmination of a sustained campaign by the constituencies and
sympathizers of the organizations who, for over a decade, appealed to the leadership to
eschew multiplication of fronts and work towards unity. After initiating many „confidence-
building‟ baby steps, the political organizations have been, of late, conducting
coordinated military campaigns which are regularly announced in their websites.” [27k]
See also Political system; Women - political rights; Annex B Political Organisations
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15. FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND MEDIA
OVERVIEW
15.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on 8
April 2011, summarised the situation regarding freedom of speech and media in Eritrea:
“The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of speech and of the
press; however, the government severely restricted these rights in practice. Citizens did
not have the right to criticize their government in public or in private, and some who did
were arrested or detained. The private press remained banned, and most independent
journalists remained in detention or had fled the country during the year [2010], which
effectively prevented any public and media criticism of the government. All journalists
practiced self-censorship due to fear of government reprisal. The government actively
monitored the Eritrean Diaspora within the country and abroad via agents.
“The government attempted to impede criticism and took reprisals against persons who
criticized government officials or policies. Public criticism about the government‟s
inability to combat poverty and starvation was prohibited.” [3b] (section 2a)
15.02 The International Cr isis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided an overview of freedom of the press and media:
“Eritrea is regarded as one of the worst offenders in terms of press freedom. No
independent media has been permitted since 2001…today, only state-run media PDF page 65
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operate, including the newspapers Hadas Eritrea (Tigrinya); Eritrea al-Hadisa (Arabic);
the Eritrea Profile (English); the television channel EriTV; a radio station (Dimtsi Hafash,
„voice of the masses‟); and the website Shaebia.org. Other publications and news
services are controlled by the government. All produce carefully-vetted material and
militaristic propaganda. Journalists at the information ministry - often largely untrained
national service personnel - are closely monitored, not least because they occasionally
flee the country. The ministry is the voice of the state, and its head, Ali Abdu, is
sometimes seen as being groomed as a possible successor to Isaias [Afewerki] There
are few foreign journalists. Those who make it through the rigorous accreditation
process find their movements highly restricted; when they become too critical, they are
„frozen‟ or expelled. Internet and email are closely monitored, though Eritreans
frequently access opposition websites.
“The 1996 Press Law was supposed to guarantee a free media, but it also made clear
that no outlet should produce material which promoted dissension and division or might
„disturb the peace‟. The government can intervene at any time to prevent the
dissemination of „undesirable‟ material.” [18] (p16)
15.03 Regarding Eritrea‟s broadcasting and print media, the United States State Department
2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, stated:
“The government controlled all media, which included three newspapers, three radio
stations, and two television stations. The law does not allow private ownership of
broadcast or other media. The government banned the import of foreign publications
without prior approval; however, satellite dishes were widespread and allowed by the
government, and subscriptions to international media were allowed. Those who could
afford to purchase satellite dishes have access to uncensored international news
including the BBC, CNN, and Al Jazeera. The government mandated approval of
publications distributed by religious or international organizations before their release,
and the government continued to restrict the right of religious media to comment on
politics or government policies. The press law forbids reprinting of articles from banned
publications.
“The only foreign news organization operating, the VOA [Voice of America], has only
one heavily censored stringer who does not permanently reside in the country. The last
Reuters correspondent left the country in 2009. In 2008 the government created
administrative obstacles for the Agence-France Presse (AFP) international journalist
resulting in his forced departure. AFP had not been allowed to return to the country.
President Isaias occasionally conducted interviews with foreign news agencies invited
specifically for the interview.” [3b] (section 2a)
15.04 The Reporters Without Borders report, Predators of Press Freedom , published on 3
May 2010, stated:
“Basic freedoms were officially „suspended‟ ten years ago after ruling party dissidents
started pressing for more democracy. Any hint of opposition is seen as a threat to
„national security.‟ The privately-owned media no longer exist. There are just state
media whose content is worthy of the Soviet era.
“Ruled with an iron hand b y a small ultra -nationalist clique centred on Afeworki, this
Red Sea country has been transformed in just a few years into a vast open prison,
Africa‟s biggest jail for the media. Around 30 journalists are currently being held in PDF page 66
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prisons, undergrounds cell s or metal containers. Four of them have died as a result of
the extremely cruel conditions or committed suicide. Others have just disappeared. And
others flee the country illegally, at risk to their lives.” [20e]
MEDIA ORGANISATIONS
15.05 The BBC Eritrea Country Profile , updated on 30 November 2010, lists the state press
agencies as: Hadas Eritrea (published three days a week); Eritrea Profile (government -
owned English language weekly paper); Tirigta (pro -government youth weekly) and
Geled (youth weekly) ; Eri -TV (state television); Voice of the Broad Masses of Eritrea
(Dimtsi Hafash) (state -run radio networks); Radio Zara (state -run FM network); and
Erina (Eritrean state news agency). [25b]. The website for the Eritrean Ministry of
Information (Shabait ), accessed on 2 August 2011, under the index found on the
homepage, listed several titles under the heading of local newspapers. These were
Eritrea Profile, Eritrea Alhaditha, Haddas Ertra and Eritrea Haddas. [46g]
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INTERNET
15.06 The Reporters Without Borders report, Internet Enemies 2011 , published on 11 March
2011, about government restrictions on the use of the Internet stated that:
“To date, the Internet is the only space in which Eritreans are free to voice their opinions
in a country which President Issaias Afeworki rules with an iron hand. The independent
press was wiped off the map in 2001. The state-controlled media merely relay the
regime‟s ultra-nationalist ideology.
“The government has proven reluctant to accept Internet growth, fearing the Web‟s
potential for disseminating independent information. In this last African country to
connect to the Net, in 2000, the penetration rate now hovers around 3.5%, which means
that virtually all of the population has been excluded from the digital era.
“Telecom operator EriTel, which owns the network‟s infrastructure, is directly controlled
by the government. The Eritrean Ministry of Information granted a licence to the
country‟s four Internet service providers from whom EriTel rents its bandwidth. Since
EriTel is under the authorities‟ orders, network surveillance and slowing down
bandwidth speed are easy tasks.
“The government has chosen not to increase bandwidth speed - a major technical
barrier to connection - which explains why, more than sending e-mails (which can take a
very long time) - chat has become the most popular way to communicate. Yahoo
Messenger and Facebook‟s „chat‟ function are constantly being used in cybercafés,
where connection speeds are particularly slow.
“In fact, most of the Eritreans who connect to the Web do so from cybercafés, since
they cannot access the Internet from their cell phones. To enjoy private access,
netizens need to obtain a high-cost special authorisation from the regime.
“Although the government has not set up any widespread automatic Internet filtering
system, it has not hesitated to order the blocking of several diaspora websites critical of PDF page 67
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the regime. Access to these sites is blocked by two of the Internet service providers,
Erson and Ewan, as are pornographic websites and even YouTube. The latter would
require too much bandwidth.
“Sometimes surveillance and self-censorship are enough. The two other Internet access
providers, Eritel and Tifanus, do not block opposition websites, since they know that the
great majority of Eritrean surfers would never dare to openly consult them for fear of
being arrested and imprisoned.
“The few netizens and webmasters courageous enough to create an independent
website, or collaborate in its development, are being threatened and closely monitored.
It is commonplace for the authorities to intercept e-mails from individuals whom they
consider „suspect.‟
“The forty-odd Internet cafés, most of which mainly operate in Asmara, the capital, and
in two or three other Eritrean cities, are constantly closely watched, particularly during
periods of social unrest, or when compromising news about the regime is circulating
abroad. At least two cybercafés are said to have closed in 2010 and their owners
arrested. The official excuse was that they were used for showing pornography to young
netizens.
“In January 2011, several Internet users and bloggers were allegedly arrested in
cybercafés, most of them in Asmara. Questioning such people has had a dissuasive
effect on other Internet users.” [20c]
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JOURNALISTS
15.07 Reporters Without Borders placed Eritrea at la st place (178th) in its 2010 World Press
Freedom Index report, published on 20 October 2010. The report stated that:
“Eritrea (178th) is at the very bottom of the world ranking for the fourth year running. At
least 30 journalists and four media contributors are held incommunicado in the most
appalling conditions, without right to a trial and without any information emerging about
their situation. Journalists employed by the state media - the only kind of media
tolerated - have to choose between obeying the information ministry‟s orders or trying to
flee the country.” [20b]
15.08 A Reporters Without Borders report, dated 17 September 2010, entitled Journalists still
hunted down nine years after September 2001 purges, stated:
“The Eritrean authorities continue to gag all forms of free expression and recently
arrested another journalist as he was trying to flee the country, Reporters Without
Borders said today, on the eve of the ninth anniversary of the start of a brutal political
purge in Asmara on 18 September 2001…journalist Eyob Kessete [bold in text of
source] of state-owned radio Dimtsi Hafash‟s Amharic-language service was arrested at
some point during the past summer as he was trying to cross the border into Ethiopia. It
is not known where he is now being held. After his first arrest for trying to defect at the
start of the summer of 2007, he was held in several prisons until relatives obtained his
release in late 2008 or early 2009 by acting as guarantors. PDF page 68
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67
“The fate of around 20 other imprisoned journalists is still cloaked in the same
oppressive official silence. There is still no news, for example, about Said Abdulhai
[bold in text of source], a journalist who was arrested during the last week of March. It is
still not clear where Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaac [bold in text of source] of
the now-closed daily Setit, who was arrested on 23 September 2001 in Asmara, is being
held…the September 2001 round-ups, the closure of all the privately-owned media and
the arrests of the main newspaper publishers began a period of terror from which
Eritrea still has not emerged because of the intolerance and paranoia of its leaders.”
[20d]
15.09 The Committee to Protect Journalists 2010 Prison Census report, published on 8
December 2010, provided information about the journalists who had been arrested in
2001:
“Eritrean security forces jailed at least 10 local journalists without charge or trial in the
days after September 18, 2001. The arrests took place less than a week after
authorities effectively shut down the country‟s fledgling private press.
“Authorities vaguely accused the journalists of avoiding the country‟s compulsory
military service, threatening national security, and failing to observe licensing
requirements. CPJ research indicates that the crackdown was part of a government
drive to crush political dissent ahead of elections scheduled for December 2001, which
were subsequently canceled. The private press had reported on divisions within the
ruling party, the Eritrean People‟s Defense Force, and had criticized the increasingly
authoritarian nature of President Isaias Afewerki‟s regime.
“The journalists were initially held incommunicado at a police station in Asmara, where
they began a hunger strike on March 31, 2002, and smuggled a message out of jail
demanding due process. The government responded by transferring them to secret
locations and has since refused to divulge their health, whereabouts, or legal status. No
charges, court proceedings, or convictions have ever been publicly disclosed…CPJ has
confirmed that one of the 10 journalists initially arrested has died. Publisher and editor
Fesshaye „Joshua‟ Yohannes, 47, a 2002 recipient of CPJ‟s International Press
Freedom Award, died in custody on an unknown date, several sources confirmed to
CPJ in early 2007.
“At least two reports have said that other journalists also died in custody. In April 2010,
the Ethiopian station Radio Wegahta broadcast an interview with Eyob Bahta
Habtemariam, an Eritrean defector described as a former supervisory guard at two
prisons northeast of Asmara. Habtemariam claimed that extreme heat had taken the life
of Tsigenay editor Ali in 2003, while Keste Debena editor Haile had died from
unspecified maltreatment in 2004. He said Admas editor Abdelkader had taken his own
life in 2003, and that Meqaleh editor Habteab had also died of maltreatment in 2006.
“Emmanuel Hadgo, a spokesman for the Eritrean Information Ministry, told CPJ that
Habtemariam had never worked for the government and that the statements were
untrue. He did not respond directly to the question of whether the journalists were alive.
“An unbylined 2006 report published on several websites, including Aigaforum, a site
considered close to the Ethiopian government, noted the deaths of three detained
journalists. The report cited the deaths of „Mr. Yusuf,‟ believed by CPJ sources to refer PDF page 69
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to Yusuf Mohamed Ali of Tsigenay; „Mr. Medhane Tewelde,‟ believed to refer to
Medhanie Haile of Keste Debena; and „Mr. Said,‟ believed to refer to Said Abdelkader of
Admas. Although details of the report could not be independently corroborated, CPJ
sources considered it to be generally credible.” [76a]
15.10 The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Attacks on the Press in 2010 report,
published on 15 February 2011, stated that:
“Eritrea was the world‟s third-worst jailer in 2010, having imprisoned 17 journalists as of
December 1 [2010]. Eleven of the Eritrean detainees have been held in secret locations
without charge for a decade. The Eritrean government has refused to disclose any
information about these detainees, who were swept up in a brutal shutdown of the
independent press. Unconfirmed reports have said that four of the jailed journalists may
have died due to mistreatment in custody. CPJ is seeking to corroborate those reports
and continues to list the journalists in its 2010 census as a means of holding the
government responsible for their fates.” [76b]
For further information on the treatment of prisoners , see Prison and detention c entre
conditions
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16. HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS, ORGANISATIONS AND ACTIVISTS
16.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“No domestic human rights groups and only four [sic] international humanitarian NGOs
(Oxfam, Lutheran World Federation, Irish Self-Help, Gruppo Missione Asmara of Italy,
Refugee Trust International, and Norwegian Church Aid) operated in the country; the
government interfered with and restricted their work. Catholic Relief Services closed
during the year [2010] due to government restrictions on international staff obtaining
visas and other restrictions on travel and activities.
“The government allowed two ruling party-aligned domestic rights NGOs, Toker
International and Vision Eritrea, to operate. All NGOs were required to register with the
Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare, but international NGOs were required to maintain
30 million nakfa (two million dollars) in a government controlled bank.
“In previous years, the government permitted only the ICRC to operate effectively,
although it limited ICRC operations to repatriation, providing shelter to families
displaced by the conflict with Ethiopia, visiting prisons and detention centers where
Ethiopians were held, and providing assistance to IDPs.” [3b] (section 5)
16.02 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, stated:
“Independent civil society does not exist in any meaningful way. The [People‟s Front for
Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)] party dominates what passes for the nongovernmental
sector. It runs national unions for youths and students, women and workers, much as
during the armed struggle branches of the EPLF were responsible for socio-economic
entities that were to participate in the „social revolution‟. No independent civil society PDF page 70
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69
groups, trade unions or NGOs are permitted; strikes are not allowed under any
circumstances; and advocacy or lobby groups cannot be organised outside PFDJ
structures. Leaders of the party unions are carefully vetted. Religious organisations,
both Christian and Muslim, are closely monitored. Their leaders are cowed and take no
public stance on policy or any other social issue. The last time a senior non-government
figure was publicly outspoken was in 2005, when the deeply revered Patriarch of the
Eritrean Orthodox Church criticised state interference in the church‟s affairs. He was
stripped of his authority and has been under house arrest ever since.” [18] (p16)
16.03 The Freedom in the World 2011 Report , published by Freedom House on 4 May 2011 ,
stated that:
“A 2005 law requires NGOs to pay taxes on imported materials, submit project reports
every three months, renew their licenses annually, and meet government-established
target levels of financial resources. International human rights NGOs are barred and
only six international humanitarian NGOs are present in the country. Eritrea in 2010
accepted a recommendation by the UN Human Rights Council to establish an
independent national human rights institution, but nothing had been set up by year‟s
end.” [9a]
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17. CORRUPTION
17.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“During the year [2010] there have been reports that citizens seeking executive,
legislative, and or judicial services must pay a „gift‟ or bribe through a system of
patronage and cronyism to access services. The law does not provide criminal penalties
for official corruption. However, the government arrested many individuals it unofficially
charged with corruption based on political motivations. Those arrested under these
charges were never tried in court.
“There were reports of petty corruption within the executive branch, largely based on
family connections. Judicial corruption was also a problem, and illegal acts such as
property theft were not prosecuted when carried out by certain armed forces officials or
former fighters from the independence struggle who are in favor with the government.
There were allegations of corruption among armed forces leaders involving illicit trade,
the appropriation of houses, and the black market sale of goods such as diesel and
cement. Corruption was extensive in the passport office, and individuals requesting exit
visas or passports had to pay bribes.
“Police, who often were conscripted, were paid 15 nakfa (approximately one dollar per
day) and corruption was a problem. During the year [2010] there were reports of police
and other security forces committing crimes to supplement their income, including
breaking into homes to confiscate jewelry, money, and food. Police typically used their
influence as government officials to assist friends and family, such as in facilitating
family members‟ release from prison. There were no mechanisms to address
allegations of official abuse, and impunity was a problem. PDF page 71
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“Public officials were not subject to financial disclosure laws, and there was no
government agency responsible for combating government corruption. Corruption was
extensive for government services involving identification and travel documents.”
[3b] (section 4)
17.02 The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2011 report, published by on 4 May 2011 ,
stated:
“Corruption appears to have increased in Eritrea in recent years. The government‟s
control over foreign exchange effectively gives it sole authority over imports. At the
same time, those in favor with the regime are allowed to profit from the smuggling and
sale of scarce goods such as building materials, food, and alcohol. According to the
International Crisis Group, senior military officials are the chief culprits in this trade.
They have also been accused of enriching themselves by charging fees to assist the
growing number of Eritreans who wish to flee the country, and using conscript labor for
private building projects.” [9a] (Political Rights and Civil Liberties)
17.03 Eritrea ranked 123rd in Transparency International‟s 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index
(CPI) of 180 countries, published in October 2010. Eritrea was given an overall CPI
score of 2.6. The CPI defines corruption as the abuse of public office for private gain,
and measures the degree to which corruption is perceived to exist among a country‟s
public officials and politicians. The CPI is a composite index that draws on multiple
expert opin ion surveys. The CPI scores range from 10 (low level of corruption) to 0
(high level of corruption). [16]
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18. FREEDOM OF RELIGION
OVERVIEW
18.01 The United States State Department International Religious Freedom Report 2010 on
Eritrea, covering the period 1 July 2009 to 30 June 2010, published on 17 November
2010, stated that:
“The 1997 constitution, and the former constitution implemented in 1952 both provide
for religious freedom; however, the government has yet to implement the 1997
constitution. Although the government requires religious groups to register; it has not
approved any registrations beyond the country‟s four principal religious groups since
2002: the Eritrean Orthodox Church, the Evangelical (Lutheran) Church of Eritrea,
Islam, and the Roman Catholic Church.
“The government‟s record on religious freedom remained poor. The Government
continued to harass and detain thousands of members of unregistered religious groups
and retained substantial control over the four registered religious groups. The
government failed to approve religious groups that fulfilled the registration requirements
and arrested persons during religious gatherings. The government subjected religious
prisoners to harsher conditions and held them for long periods of time, without due
process. There continued to be reports of forced recantations of faith, torture of religious
prisoners, and deaths while in custody. PDF page 72
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71
“There were few reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious
affiliation, belief, or practice. Citizens generally were tolerant of one another in the
practice of their religion with the exception of societal attitudes towards Jehovah‟s
Witnesses and Pentecostal groups, and conscientious objectors. Some individuals
viewed failure to perform the required military service as a sign of disloyalty and
encouraged harassment of those unwilling to perform military duty.” [3c] (Introduction)
RELIGIOUS DEMOGRAPHY
18.02 As regards the religious make -up of the Eritrean population, the United States State
Department International Religious Freedom Report 2010 on Eritrea stated that:
“Although reliable statistics are not available, it is estimated that 50 percent of the
population is Sunni Muslim, 30 percent is Orthodox Christian, and 13 percent is Roman
Catholic. Groups that constitute less than 5 percent of the population include
Protestants, Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah‟s Witnesses, Buddhists, Hindus, and
Baha‟is. Approximately 2 percent of the population practices traditional indigenous
religious beliefs. The population is predominantly Muslim in the eastern and western
lowlands and predominantly Christian in the highlands. Religious participation is high
among all ethnic groups.” [3c] (section 1)
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RESTRICTIONS
18.03 The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2011 Annual
Report, covering the period 1 April 2010 - 31 March 2011, published in May 2011,
stated:
“In 2002, the government increased its control over civil society following a second war
with Ethiopia, and imposed a registration requirement on all religious groups other than
the four officially-recognized religions. The requirements mandated that communities
provide detailed financial and membership information, as well as background on their
activities in Eritrea. Among those affected were Protestant Evangelical and Pentecostal
Christian denominations, as well as the Baha„is. Some of these religious communities
have operated in Eritrea for decades.
“Because of the government‟s registration requirement, no group can legally hold public
religious activities until its registration is approved. The requirement effectively makes
unregistered religious activity „illegal‟, which has resulted in places of worship being
closed and prohibitions being placed on the public religious activities, including worship
services, of all unregistered religious communities. No religious group has been
registered since 2002, although the Presbyterian Church, Methodist Church, Seventh-
day Adventists, and Baha„i religious community all submitted the required applications.
As a result of the registration requirement and of the government„s inaction on
registration applications, all of Eritrea„s religious communities except the four
government-sanctioned ones lack a legal basis on which to practice their faiths publicly,
including holding prayer meetings or weddings.” [35] (Eritrea - p68)
18.04 The United States State Department International Religious Freedom Report 2010 on
Eritrea stated: PDF page 73
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“The government forbids religious practice outside the four recognized faiths, and even
recognized faiths are often forbidden from managing their own operations and finances.
The government has appointed both the mufti (head) of the Islamic faith in the country
and the patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, in addition to numerous lower level
positions. Those who publically protested such direct government management were
branded as radicals and could be subject to indefinite imprisonment in harsh conditions,
despite being members of recognized religious faiths. The government did not appoint
the president of the Lutheran Church; however, reliable sources indicated extensive
government coordination. The Pope appointed the highest-ranking Catholic Church
official; however, the government pressured the church on its activities. Unregistered
faiths reported having their mail confiscated and do not use local Internet providers to
send or receive information related to their faith for fear of being monitored.
“Following a 2002 government decree that all religious groups must register or cease all
religious activities, religious facilities that did not belong to the four officially recognized
religious groups were forced to close. Some local authorities allowed unregistered
groups to worship in homes or rented spaces, whereas others did not allow such groups
to meet. During the reporting period, the Government continued to disrupt home-based
worship and arrested those who hosted home prayer meetings…the Government
continued its involvement in the affairs of the four registered religious groups and
required them to provide a list of religious leaders for enrollment in military and national
service. The Government maintained control over the operations of the Eritrea Orthodox
Church; a government-appointed lay administrator managed church operations and
controlled all church donations. The government continued to provide the Catholic
Church with limited duration national service exemption cards for all religious workers
and seminarians.” [3c] (section 2)
18.05 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report, published on 24 January 2011, stated:
“Security forces arrest members of „unregistered‟ religions, often during religious
services. A religious -freedom monitoring group reported that scores were arrested in
2010. Persons arrested for this reason are subject to the same torture and abus e as
other prisoners, but can often obtain their release by renouncing their faith. Those who
refuse sometimes pay with their lives. Jehovah's Witnesses are especially targeted;
three have been detained since 1994 for refusing to submit to military service . The
patriarch of the Orthodox Church, deposed by the government in 2006, remains under
house arrest without access to communication.” [29b]
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CHRISTIAN PENTECOSTALS AND EVANGELICALS
18.06 The BBC News report , Eritrean Christians tell of torture, dated 27 September 2007 ,
stated that:
“During the past five years, a brutal campaign has been waged in Eritrea against
Christian minorities, focusing mainly on the evangelical and Pentecostal movements.
“Weddings, baptisms, church services and prayer meetings have been raided by
security forces. Guests or congregation members have [been] rounded up and detained
en masse...the crackdown on Eritrea's minority churches followed a government PDF page 74
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announcement in May 2002 that only its four oldest faiths - Orthodox, Catholic, Lutheran
and Islam - would receive official sanction.” [25g]
18.07 The more recent Voice of the Martyrs (VOM), report, Eritrea: Approximately 100
Christians Arrested, dated 5 January 2009, stated that:
“Since late November [2008], about 100 Christians, men, women and children, have
been arrested by Eritrean authorities, VOM Canada reported. The wave of house
arrests began in northern Eritrean cities and moved to southern regions before reaching
the capital, Asmara, on Dec. 12 [2008]. Some of the detained Christians were reportedly
transferred to a military facility and were severely mistreated. Local sources indicate
that an unspecified number may have died due to untreated injuries sustained in
detention.
“The Eritrean government persecutes Christians, often placing believers in metal
containers that are extremely hot during the day and cold during the night. Nearly 1,800
Eritrean Christians are believed to be under arrest because of their religious beliefs.
They are being held in police stations, military camps and prisons in 12 known locations
across Eritrea. It is believed more than 28 clergymen are being held.
“Jailed Christians are routinely subjected to physical beatings and severe psychological
pressure to deny their religious beliefs. Police and military authorities continue to
demand the prisoners return to one of the three „official‟ Christian denominations
recognized by the government. But even the legally recognized denominations - the
nation's historic Orthodox, Catholic and Lutheran churches - have come under
government disfavor in recent years, incurring threats and even imprisonment.” [33]
18.08 The Compass Direct New s report , Eritrea: Third Christian This Year Dies in Military
Prison, dated 28 July 2009, stated:
“Another Christian imprisoned for his faith in Eritrea has died from authorities denying
him medical treatment, according to a Christian support organization.
“Sources told Netherlands-based Open Doors that Yemane Kahasay Andom, 43, died
Thursday (July 23) at Mitire Military Confinement Center.
“A member of the Kale-Hiwot church in Mendefera, Andom was said to be secretly
buried in the camp.
“Weakened by continuous torture, Andom was suffering from a severe case of malaria,
Open Doors reported in a statement today.
“ „He was allegedly further weakened by continuous physical torture and solitary
confinement in an underground cell [in] the two weeks prior to his death for his refusal to
sign a recantation form,‟ the organization said. „It is not clear what the contents of the
recantation form were, but most Christians interpret the signing of such a form as the
denouncement of their faith in Christ.‟
“Andom is the third known Christian to die this year [2009] at the Mitire camp, located in
northeastern Eritrea.” [34] PDF page 75
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18.09 The BBC News report, Eritrea arrests 30 praying women, relatives say, dated 11
December 2009, stated:
“Thirty elderly women have been arrested in Eritrea while praying together, one of their
relatives living in the United States has told the BBC.
“Requesting anonymity, she said she only found out about her mother when she
phoned to speak to her this week.
“Most of the women belonged to an outlawed evangelical group.” [25c]
18.10 An ASSIST News Service [international Christian NGO] report, Eleven Christians
Arrested by Eritrean Officials in Latest Crackdown, dated 28 October 2010, stated that
International Christian Concern [Christian NGO] was aware that 11 Christians had been
arrested in October 2010:
“Eritrean government officials have arrested 11 Christians and taken them to unknown
locations.
“According to International Christian Concern (ICC) www.persecution.org, Eritrean
security officials on October 20 [2010] rounded up the Christians from the cities of
Mendefera, Dekemharre and Dibarwa following an order given by Mustafa Nurhussein,
the governor of the Southern Zone (province) of Eritrea. The governor ordered a
crackdown on Christians living in his province.”
“ICC says the security officials also confiscated TVs, video players and other electronic
equipment that belonged to the Christians.
“In a media update, ICC says: „Most of the detained belong to the Full Gospel Church,
an evangelical church that was among those that were banned by Eritrean officials in
2002‟.” [55a]
18.11 The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2011 Annual
Report, published in May 2011, stated:
“Persons detained for religious activities, in both short- and long-term detentions, often
are not formally charged, permitted access to legal counsel, accorded due process, or
allowed access to their families. During the past year, there were reports of deaths of
religious prisoners who refused to recant their beliefs, were denied medical care, or
were subjected to other ill treatment, including in April, June, July, and October of 2010
and January 2011.
“The State Department„s most recent religious freedom report states that 115 followers
of unregistered religious groups were arrested during the 2009-2010 reporting period,
including 27 on Good Friday (April 2). Christian advocacy groups report that since
December 2010, more than 100 evangelicals have been arrested, including 41 on New
Year„s Eve and 35 on January 9. Other arrests reported by Christian advocacy groups
during 2010 include 15 men in military service at an unregistered evangelical church in
November, 37 Christians in Assab in November, and 25 members of the Asmara Full
Gospel Church on April 2.” [35] (Eritrea - p69) PDF page 76
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18.12 The United States State Department International Religious Freedom Report 2010 on
Eritrea noted that:
“Authorities regularly harassed, arrested, and detained members of various religious
groups. The government closely monitored the activities and movements of
unregistered religious groups and members, including nonreligious social functions
attended by members. Persons arrested for religious reasons were often detained for
extended periods in harsher conditions and without due process.
“The government held individuals jailed for their religious affiliation at various locations,
including military-administered facilities, such as Mai Serwa, Sawa, Meiter, and Gelalo,
as well as police stations in the capital and other cities. Prisoners were held in harsh
conditions, and there were at least five deaths while in custody during the reporting
period due to neglect or the infliction of life-threatening injuries and the denial of medical
treatment. Often, prisoners were not formally charged, accorded due process, or
allowed access to their families. While many were ostensibly jailed for evasion of
conscription, significant numbers were held solely for their religious beliefs. Many
prisoners were required to recant their religious beliefs as a precondition of release
and/or pay fines…during the reporting period, there were reliable reports that authorities
detained approximately 115 members of unregistered religious groups without
legitimate charges. Some were released after detentions of several days or less, while
others spent longer periods in confinement without charge and without access to legal
counsel, or were not released. Government restrictions made it difficult to determine the
precise number of religious prisoners at any one time, and releases sometimes went
unreported; however, the number of long-term religious prisoners continued to grow.”
[3c] (section 2)
18.13 The ASSIST News Service report, Two die in prison and over 100 detained in church
raids in Eritrea, dated 4 February 2011, stated:
“Two Christians are reported to have died in separate Eritrean prisons after being
refused medical treatment amid a renewed crackdown by the authorities against
unregistered churches.
“According to Barnabas Aid, one of the martyrs is known to be 27-year-old woman
Seble Hagos Mebrahtu, who was arrested after being caught reading a Bible in her
bedroom. Her death comes as a new wave of raids, which started on New Year's Eve
[31 December 2010], saw more than 100 evangelical believers detained.
“Barnabas Aid says almost an entire congregation - 41 people - from the capital Asmara
was taken into custody where they are said to have endured beatings.
“„The following day, 27 believers from various underground churches near Asmara were
rounded up by the security forces. On January 9 [2011], 35 Christians including 15
women and two elderly men in poor health were seized from a house church gathering
in the town of Nakfa,‟" the group said in an update.” [55b]
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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Jehovah‟s Witnesses
18.14 The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2011 Annual Report
stated:
“Fifty-two Jehovah„s Witnesses are detained without trial, or administrative appeal. A
third of the Jehovah‟s Witnesses currently detained are reported to be over 60 years
old, well beyond draft age. Additionally, three Jehovah„s Witnesses - Paulos Eyassu,
Isaac Mogos, and Negede Teklemariam - have been held for more than 15 years
despite the maximum legal penalty for refusing to perform national service being two
years…Since 1994, the government of Eritrea has denied Jehovah„s Witnesses
citizenship and a range of government services, as well as civil and political rights.
President Isais Afwerki issued a decree in October 1994 barring Witnesses from
obtaining government jobs, business licenses, and government issued identity and
travel documents. He reportedly viewed their refusal on religious grounds to participate
in the 1993 independence referendum or to perform mandatory national military service
as a rejection of Eritrean citizenship. Without Eritrean identity cards Jehovah„s
Witnesses cannot obtain legal recognition of marriages or land purchases.
“The government requires a military training component for secondary school
graduation, with no non-military alternative service option, which effectively denies
educational and employment opportunities to young Jehovah„s Witnesses, causing
many to flee the country. Some children of Jehovah„s Witnesses have been expelled
from school because of their refusal to salute the flag or to pay for membership in the
officially sanctioned national organization for youth and students.” [35] (Eritrea - p68-69)
18.15 The United States State Department International Religious Freedom Report 2010 on
Eritrea stated:
“Although members of several religious groups were imprisoned in past years for failure
to participate in required national military service, the Government singled out
Jehovah‟s Witnesses for harsher treatment than that given to followers of other religious
groups for similar actions. Jehovah‟s Witnesses and other conscientious objectors were
normally willing to perform nonmilitary national service. At least three Jehovah‟s
witnesses were detained for 15 years, reportedly for evading compulsory military
service, far beyond the maximum legal penalty of two years for refusing to perform
national service. In addition, Jehovah‟s Witnesses who did not participate in national
military service were subject to dismissal from the civil service, revocation of business
licenses, eviction from government-owned housing, and denial of passports, identity
cards, and exit visas. They were also prohibited from having civil authorities legalize
their marriages.” [3c] (section 2)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention ; National service - conscientious objection and
Citizenship and nationality
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MUSLIMS PDF page 78
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18.16 Muslims as well as Christians have been arrested and detained, as noted in the United
States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2010 Annual Report: “The
government does not permit Muslim religious activities or groups it views as „radical‟.
Government officials point to the actions of foreign or foreign -inspired Muslim
fundamentalists, whom they believe are seeking to radicalize the traditional Eritrean
practice of Islam and thus possibly create tensions in a society that is roughly half
Christian and half Muslim.” [35] (Eritrea - p70)
18.17 The Freedom in the World 2011 Report , published by Freedom House on 4 May 2011 ,
stated that: “Muslims also complain of discrimination. In February 2010 a leading
Islamic organization published a document accusing the govern ment of marginalizing
Muslims, closing traditional Muslim schools, persecuting religious leaders, and
appropriating Muslim-owned land.” [9a]
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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19. ETHNIC GROUPS
19.01 The report entitled The Constitutional and Legislative Protection of the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples: Eritrea, published by the International Labour Organisation and the
African Commission on Human and People‟s Rights in 2009, stated:
“It is generally recognised that there are nine ethnic groups in Eritrea. These groups
may be divided into three categories, according to their historical evolution from ancient
races: the Semitic; the Hamitic (Cushitic); and the Nilotic races. The Semitic group
forms the majority of the population, and consists of the Tigrinya (48 per cent of the total
population) and the Tigre (35 per cent). The Rashaida (1 per cent), a recently-
established group of Arab origin, may also be included in the Semitic family. Four ethnic
groups comprise the Cushitic category: the Afar (4 per cent of the total population); the
Saho (3 per cent); the Bilen (2 per cent); and the Hedareb (2 per cent). The Nilotic
groups are the Kunama (with 3 per cent of the total population) and the Nara (2 per
cent). Jiberti Muslims regard themselves as an additional (tenth) ethnic group. In
addition, there is a small group of recently-settled migrants said to be descendants of
the Hausa tribe in Nigeria, called the Tekurir. At present, the Eritrean government
recognises all these groups - with the exception of the Jeberti and the Tekurir.
“The Tigrinya live on the central and southern plateau. The Tigre groups inhabit the
northern hills and lowlands. The Afar live among the southern Red Sea coast. The Bilen
are located in the Northern Eritrean highlands and in and around the city of Keren and
north of it in the region of Halhal (the Bogos area). The Hedareb live in the western
lowlands and along the border with Sudan. The Kunama occupy the region between the
Gash and Setit rivers, near the border with Ethiopia. The Nara reside north of the Gash
river around Barentu. The Tekurir live in the Anseba and Gash-Barka regions. The
Rashaida live along the Red Sea coast. The Saho live on the escarpment and coastal
plain southeast of Asmara. To some extent, most of the ethnic groups exist across the
boundaries of the present-day Ethiopia, Djibouti and the Sudan.” [36] (pages 3-4)
19.02 More information ab out Eritrea‟s ethnic groups was provided in the Everyculture.com
website, undated, accessed on 11 October 2010: PDF page 79
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“The highland Tigrinya ethnic group is the dominant group, numerically, politically, and
economically. There is also a minority group of Tigrinya-speaking Muslims called Jeberti
in the highlands. The Jeberti, however, are not recognized as a separate ethnic group
by the Eritrean government. The lowland groups -the Afar, Beja/Hadarab, Bileyn,
Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, and Tigre - are all, with the exception of the Tigre,
relatively small and, taken together, they do not form any homogenous cultural or
political blocs. Traditionally, the relationship between the highland and lowland groups
has been one of tension and conflict. Raids on livestock and encroachment on land and
grazing rights have led to mutual distrust, which is still, to a certain degree, relevant in
the relation between the minorities and the state. Many of the groups are also divided
between Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sudan, and Djibouti, making cross-border ethnic alliances
a possible threat to the national identity.” [37]
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LANGUAGES
19.03 The Ethnologue website , Languages of Eritrea sectio n, accessed on 11 October 2010,
lists the languages spoken in Eritrea as: Afar, Arabic, Bedawiyet, Bilen, English, Italian,
Kunama, Nara, Saho, Tigré and Tigrigna. The same source noted that English,
standard Arabic, and Tigrinya are the official language s. [38]. The eritreaeducation.info
website, accessed on 11 October 2010, also noted that Tigrinya, Arabic and English
were the official languages of Eritrea. [39]
19.04 More information about the languages spoken in Eritrea was provided in the
Everyculture.com website, undated, accessed on 11 October 2010:
“Although the Eritrean Constitution states that all nine ethnic languages in the country
are equal, the government of Eritrea has two administrative languages: Tigrinya and
Arabic. Tigrinya is a Semitic language also spoken by the Tigreans of Ethiopia. Arabic
was chosen to represent the lowland Muslim groups in the country. Nevertheless, only
one ethnic group, the Rashaida, has Arabic as a mother tongue, whereas the other
groups use it as a religious language. Many of the groups are bilingual, and because of
the legacy of Ethiopian domination over Eritrea, many Eritreans also speak Amharic, the
Ethiopian administrative language. Eritrean pupils are today taught in their mother
tongue in primary levels (one through five), and English takes over to be the language
of instruction from sixth grade (at least in theory). English is taught as a second
language from second grade. It appears, however, that Tigrinya is taking over as the
dominant language, since the majority of the population are Tigrinya-speakers, the
biggest towns are located in the highlands, and most people in government and the
state bureaucracy are from the Tigrinya ethnic group.” [37]
19.05 The ILO and African Commission on Human and People ‟s Rights, The Constitutional
and Legislative Protection of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Eritrea , report,
published in 2009, stated:
“The Constitution guarantees equality of all Eritrean languages (article 4(3)). It was
deliberately left to the wisdom of the courts and, more importantly, to future generations
to decide as the situation warrants whether there shall be an official language or not…In PDF page 80
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a historical perspective, the Italians encouraged the use of their language rather than
the native languages while the British encouraged both Tigrinya and Arabic as co-
official languages and languages of education. Linguistically, the nine most widely-
spoken languages in Eritrea fall into three major language families. Afar, Bilen, Hidareb
and Saho are Cushitic languages, Tigrinya, Tigre and Arabic belong to the Semitic
group, and Nara and Kunama are Nilo-Saharan. As far as the nature of bilingualism is
concerned, it can generally be argued that the majority of the western lowland-dwellers
speak Tigre as either their first or second language. Arabic is not as a matter of fact a
real lingua franca [italics in text of source] at a national or sub-national level…however,
it is a sacred and prestigious language for Muslims in Eritrea and is the preferred
spoken language among the Muslim elite. As a result, Arabic remains a language of
official ceremonies, national gatherings and government declarations. In this sense,
therefore, both Tigrinya and Arabic enjoy both statutory and official status.
“In general it can be said that Tigrinya and Tigre together are spoken by about 83 per
cent of the total population and are widely distributed throughout the country. Both
languages serve as languages of inter-ethnic communication in that many members of
other nationalities use one of the languages as a second language. Multilingualism is
common as most of the numerical minority groups speak Tigre or Tigrinya or both in
addition to their mother-tongue.” [36] (pages 35-36)
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GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETAL ATTITUDES
19.06 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that:
“The law and unimplemented constitution prohibits discrimination… based on race,
language, and social status, but the government did not enforce these provisions…
There were reports of government and societal discrimination against the Kunama, one
of nine ethnic groups residing primarily in the western sector of the country. Societal
abuse of Ethiopians occurred and was noticeable during the yearly roundups that occur
just before Liberation Day (May 24). Ethiopians were arbitrarily arrested and asked to
pay fines to be released. Requests from citizens in rural areas (where ethnic minorities
are concentrated) for basic services, such as an adequate number of schools, were
routinely ignored by the government.” [3b] (section 6)
19.07 The ILO and African Commission on Human and People‟s Rights, The C onstitutional
and Legislative Protection of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Eritrea , report,
published in 2009, stated:
“Generally, the numerical majority ethnic groups, particularly the Tigrinya, tend to regard
all minority ethnic groups as „less developed‟ and „less advanced‟. However, such an
attitude is more pronounced towards the Kunama, the Nara, and the Tekurir, who face
social marginalisation as a result…The Kunama, in particular, have been singled out as
unpatriotic. Although the Kunama participated in the Eritrean independence struggle,
they are sometimes blamed for lacking strong allegiance with the independence
state…Going beyond mere stigmatisation, all three of these groups have been
subjected to marginalisation. There is no official policy of political marginalisation, and
the nine officially-recognised ethnic groups are mostly represented in various public PDF page 81
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presentation, cultural performances, national documents and, importantly, the national
media. The exceptions are the Tekurir and Jiberti Muslims. However, marginalisation
does occur due to the dominance of the culture and way of life of the two major ethnic
groups, which have gradually influenced the culture and way of life of the other groups.
This is illustrated most clearly in the high rate of resettlement of the members of the
Tigrinya ethnic group, who form the core of ex-soldiers resettled by the government on
the settlements and living areas of the Kunama and the Nara.” [36] (pages 5-6)
19.08 The Freedom in the World 2011 Report , published by Freedom House on 4 May 2011 ,
stated that: “The Kunama people, one of Eritrea‟s nine ethnic groups, reportedly face
severe discrimination. They are viewed with suspicion for having backed a rival group to
the EPLF [Eritrean People‟s Liberat ion Front] during the war of independence and for
resisting attempts to integrate them into national society. Members of the Afar ethnic
group have also been targeted. In May and June 2010, several hundred Afars were
arrested, according to Human Rights Watch.” [9a] (Political Rights and Civil Liberties)
19.09 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
on 20 April 2011, stated that:
“Discriminatory measures against minority ethnic groups are historically motivated and
rooted in socio-cultural bias. Perceived as having supported Ethiopia during the war of
independence and a potential threat to the nationalistic policies of the Eritrean
Government, the Kunama are reportedly subject to discrimination, harassment and
other intimidation techniques. Historically, the Afar people have also been perceived as
ambivalent in their support for the Eritrean People Liberation Front.
“The land reform introduced by the Government after independence abolished all
traditional land tenure forms and made all land the property of the State. As a result, the
plains of Gash-Setit traditionally inhabited by the Kunama were used for resettlement
and agricultural plantation schemes. The new land policy is seen as effectively
undermining the clan-based traditional ownership rights of the Kunama. The
encroachment on Kunama land rights and the targeting of their cultural sites and
symbols have spawned resistance movements such as the Democratic Movement for
the Liberation of the Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK) and the Eritrean Democratic Resistance
Movement (EDRM). This resistance has only increased the perception by the Eritrean
authorities of the Kunama as „Ethiopian collaborators and spies‟. The Kunama are
reportedly particularly vulnerable to arbitrary arrest and detention.” [32b] (p31-2)
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20. LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL AND TRANSGENDER PERSONS
20.01 The International Lesbian and Gay Association State-sponsored Homophobia report,
published in May 2011, stated that in legislative terms, Eritrea follows the old Ethiopian
law and same -sex sexual acts (both male and female) are illegal (Article 600 of the
1957 Penal Code). The punishment for same -sex acts is imprisonment. The actual
prison sentence, determined by the courts, can be as short as ten days or as long as
three years (Article 105 of the 1957 Penal Code). [40] (p22) PDF page 82
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20.02 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that:
“Homosexuality is illegal, and individuals continue to be prosecuted under article 600 of
the penal code. During the year [2010] there were unconfirmed reports that the
government carried out periodic roundups of individuals considered gay and lesbian,
and gays and lesbian[s] faced severe societal discrimination. The government accused
foreign governments of promoting the practice to undermine the government. There
were uncorroborated reports that known gays and lesbians in the armed forces were
subjected to severe abuse. There were no known lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender
organizations in [the] country.” [3b] (section 6)
20.03 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing
the International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers from Eritrea , published on 20
April 2011, stated that:
“Consensual same-sex conduct is criminalized under the Transitional Penal Code and
punishable by imprisonment from ten days to three years. Only rather limited
information is available on the treatment of LGBTI [lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender
and intersex] individuals in Eritrea. It has nevertheless been reported that LGBTI
individuals face severe societal discrimination and are also subjected to likewise severe
abuse in the military. It has also been reported that the authorities have carried out
periodic round-ups of LGBTI individuals. The Eritrean Government has recently rejected
a recommendation by the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review to legalize
same-sex activity between consenting adults, deeming it „in direct contradiction with the
values and traditions of the Eritrean people.‟” [32b]
Most of the above info rmation is reiterated in the Canadian Immigration and Refugee
Board‟s re sponse to an information request, dated 28 February 2007:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/469cd6b815.html. [23]
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21. WOMEN
LEGAL RIGHTS
21.01 A national report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the United Nations
Human Rights Council for the purposes of a Uni ted Nations Universal Periodic Review
[A/HRC/WG.6/6/ERI/1], carried out in 2009, stated:
“The Constitution of Eritrea and other pertinent laws guarantee equality of all persons
under the law. It further provides that no person may be discriminated against on
account of race, ethnic origin, language, colour, gender, religion, disability, age, political
view, or social or economic status or any other improper factors…it has always been a
basic State policy of Eritrea to promote equality between men and women. Eritrea has
put in place a variety of legal regimes for protecting the rights and interests of women.
This regime has been reflected, inter alia, in the Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea, such
as family law, the Land Proclamation No. 58/1994, Election of Regional Assemblies
Proclamation No. 140/2004, and a Proclamation to Abolish Female Circumcision No.
158/2007. PDF page 83
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“The Eritrean Constitution and other pertinent laws guaranty [sic] equal rights for
women and men. In addition to the supreme principle enshrined in the Constitution
prohibiting discrimination on account of race, ethnic origin, language, color, gender,
religion, disability, age, political view, social or economic status, various Articles in the
Constitution grant equal right to women as men…right after the independence of
Eritrea, the Provisional Government undertook measures to revise the inherited colonial
laws. Consequently, Proclamation No.2/1991 (the Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea) and
Proclamation No. 4/1991 (the Transitional Penal Code of Eritrea) repealed all
discriminatory clauses and connotations from the colonial Civil Codes and included
protective legal measures. To mention some important provisions in the Transitional
Codes pertaining to the status of women:
Marriage is now based on the free consent of both partners, and needs no
parental consent. The age of the female partner was raised to 18 from the
previous 15 years;
Women can enter into a contract of marriage freely;
bride price and abduction were prohibited by law;
Irregular unions have been abolished because they don‟t provide any legal
protection of women‟s right[s] upon separation;
the death penalty is commuted to life imprisonment for convicted women who
may be pregnant or have children under three years of age;
abortion, although still punishable under the penal code, is permitted in
situations where a physician certifies that the mother would suffer grave and
permanent damage due to severe physical and mental stress, or when the
pregnancy has resulted from rape or incest;
Rape is punishable by law with a maximum imprisonment of 15 years;
Pornography and other indecent and obscene exposure are also punishable
under the Transitional Penal code of Eritrea; and
A provision of the colonial Civil Code which bluntly glorifies the husband as
head of the family was repealed and replaced by a new Article which
recognizes the equal power and status of the spouses.” [73a]
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POLITICAL RIGHTS
21.02 There are women in government positions and government administration as noted in
the United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on 8
April 2011: “Women held four nominal ministerial positi ons in the government: justice,
labor and human welfare, tourism, and health. Women also served in other senior
government positions, such as mayors and regional administrators.” [3b] (section 3) PDF page 84
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21.03 The National Union of Eritrean Women website , undated, accessed on 25 February
2011, provided the following information about the participation of women in society:
“The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) had a clear policy on the issue of
women. As a result, its popular motto 'Equality through Participation' served not only as
a slogan, but also as a practical doctrine in the struggle for the emancipation of women.
“The 1st and 2nd congresses of the EPLF, held in 1977 and 1987 respectively, clearly
stated the Front‟s principles on the rights and equality of women.
“This trend continued after independence. Policy and legislative measures where taken
to insure the participation of women, who comprise half of the society. The fact that 30%
of parliament seats are exclusively reserved for women, who can, moreover, contest the
other seats in the elections, is an example of some of the measures taken to that end.
“The Constitution of Eritrea guarantees equal rights for both sexes. The Government of
the State of Eritrea (GSE) made a deliberate effort to ensure women‟s participation in
every stage of the constitution-making process.” [78]
See also Political system and Political affiliation
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SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RIGHTS
21.04 Information published in the peacewomen.org website, undated, accessed on 24
February 2011, stated that the Eritrean government ratified the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW ) on 5 September
1995. [77]
21.05 The World Organisation Against Torture report, Violence against Girls in Eritrea - a
report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, dated 7 July 2004, stated:
“The Constitution of Eritrea has strong protections of women‟s rights, a reflection of the
high status women attained by participating in the liberation struggle as fighters.
However, the respect women gained through the war and the resulting gender sensitive
laws are in direct contrast to the traditional Eritrean attitude towards women and
girls…although Eritrea is composed of several different cultures, with differing
perspectives towards women, customary views generally dominate many areas of
society and are often discriminatory towards women and girls. This is especially true
within the realm of the family, and is thus, extremely important when examining the
rights of girls.” [71] (pages 201-202)
21.06 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights report: Eritrea, noted that:
“Women have a legal right to equal educational opportunities, equal pay for equal work,
and equal property rights; however, in practice men retained privileged access to
education, employment, and control of economic resources, particularly in rural areas.
Women generally did not enjoy a social status equal to men…The Ministry of Labor and
Human Welfare and Ministry of Health were the primary government offices responsible
for ensuring legal rights of women along with the quasi-governmental National Union of PDF page 85
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Eritrean Women (NUEW). Economic discrimination against women was not a problem,
despite the social discrepancies.” [3b] (section 6)
21.07 The Social Institutions and Gender Index (Eritrea section), accessed on 19 October
2010, provided the following information:
“In 1991, the TCE [Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea] abolished previously discriminatory
clauses in existing legislation. Today, the law gives women a relatively high level of
protection within the family. The TCE recognises three types of marriage: civil, religious
and customary. The code explicitly states that all three types follow several binding
conditions that enhance women‟s rights, including setting the minimum age of marriage
at 18 years. (These conditions do not apply to marriages governed by Islamic Sharia
law.)…the Constitution accords parental authority to both parents, along with equal
rights. However, both the TCE and customary laws fall short of recognising the principle
of common responsibilities for both parents, particularly in regard to custody of children
in case of divorce. In most cases, fathers are still considered as head of the household
and are given right of custody.
“Eritrean law does not discriminate in relation to inheritance rights. However, the Muslim
community follows Sharia law, which provides for detailed and complex calculations of
inheritance shares. Under Sharia, women may inherit from their father, mother, husband
or children and, under certain conditions, from other family members, but their share is
generally only half of that to which men are entitled…the Eritrean Constitution provides
for full ownership rights for women, but the application of legal provisions tends to
favour men and limit women‟s ability to achieve financial independence.
“The Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front established a policy on land redistribution to
improve women‟s access to land by granting extensive land rights to divorced, widowed
and childless women. Despite this effort to institutionalise land rights, many women still
lack the means of working the land and face specific difficulties, especially in regions in
which cultural norms prevent women from clearing land.
“With regard to access to property other than land, Eritrean women have equal rights to
conclude contracts, administer property and run businesses. According to business
licensing office statistics, women own around 30 per cent of businesses.” [15]
21.08 A United Nations Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women report [CEDAW/C/ERI/CO/3], dated 3 February 2006, stated:
“While noting the advocacy work carried out by the National Union of Eritrean Women,
the Committee is concerned that the persistence of patriarchal attitudes and deep-
rooted stereotypes regarding the role and responsibilities of women and men in society,
which are discriminatory to women. The Committee is concerned that the preservation
of negative cultural practices and traditional attitudes serve to perpetuate women‟s
subordination in the family and society and constitute serious obstacles to women‟s
enjoyment of their human rights…while recognizing the efforts undertaken by the State
party aimed at the reconstruction of the country and its socio-economic fabric after the
long years of armed conflict as well as recurrent droughts, the Committee is concerned
that the widespread poverty among women and the poor socio-economic conditions are
among the causes of the violation of women‟s human rights and discrimination against
them. The Committee is concerned at the very large number of women heads of
household who are particularly vulnerable to poverty…the Committee is especially PDF page 86
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concerned about the situation of women in rural areas who often lack access to health,
education, clean water and sanitation services and means and opportunities for
economic survival.” [81b] (pages 3 and 5)
21.09 The same United Nations report also stated concerning marriage and family relations:
“While noting that the Transitional Code of Eritrea adopted in 1991 establishes a
minimum age at marriage, prohibits forced marriages and establishes a system of
equitable division of marital property upon divorce, the Committee is concerned that
these laws are not enforced and that discriminatory customary laws and practices
continue to be applied. The Committee is also concerned that the Transitional Code‟s
provisions on marriage and family relations do not apply to Muslim marriages and
divorces.” [81b] (p5)
21.10 A United Nations Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against
Women report on the status of Eritrean women, dated 18 January 2006, stated:
“At this time, Eritrea‟s majority population still follows Sharia law as opposed to national
law. Although the legal age for marriage is 18, underage marriage remains prevalent.
Raising awareness of national laws is a constant effort, involving attitude changes
among the people of Eritrea. One particular setback in the struggle against early
marriage was that many children had no birth registration enabling parents to simply
bring a witness to testify a girl was 18, when she may in fact be much younger…in
recent developments, one of Eritrea‟s six regions appointed a female governor in 2005.
In addition, the city of Massawa has voted a female mayor into office. Measures have
been taken regarding participation of government service positions including hiring
through positive discrimination, and lower educational level requirements (although
opportunities to upgrade academic levels are available through evening courses as well
as correspondence). There is currently unprecedented representation of women in the
local judicial structures.” [81a] (p2)
21.11 The World Organisation Against Torture report, Violence against Girls in Eritrea - a
report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, dated 7 July 2004, stated:
“Eritrean civil law provides that the minimum age for marriage for both girls and boys is
18. Nevertheless, customary law carries great weight in Eritrean society and often girls
are married at ages well below the legal limit.
“It is widely acknowledged in Eritrea that girls are married earlier than boys. The
traditional view holds that the ideal age for marriage for a girl is between 12 and 18. In
one study, the view was expressed that marrying girls at a young age was necessary to
ensure their virginity before marriage and protect „the woman from sin‟. The ideal age
for marriage for men is not correspondent with that of women. In the study mentioned
above, many respondents claimed that men should wait until they are between at least
20 and 25, with some asserting that 25 be the minimum age, because of the many
responsibilities a man assumes once he is married.” [71] (page 206)
21.12 A report submitted by the Sexual Rights Initiative ( an association of NGOs including
Mulabi, Action Canada, Action India, Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning,
and others ) to the United Nations Human Rights Council, in December 2009, for the
purposes of a universal periodic review, stated: PDF page 87
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“The Constitution guarantees freedom of movement to everyone and the transitional
civil code provides both spouses with the right to choose residence. However, deeply
rooted traditions practically necessitate that after marriage a woman automatically holds
the domicile of her spouse. Socially, men are entitled to select their wives, although
women have no such entitlement, especially in the patriarchal rural communities. In
rural areas, women after marriage stay at home, and never go out without the
permission of their husbands. The father at home is the dominant figure financially and
socially and his daughters cannot go out with men or getting [sic] married without his
permission. Women are not allowed any relationship outside the marriage frame, and it
is hard for the women to travel alone seeking education or work especially in rural areas
away from Asmara.” [70]
21.13 The United Nations Children‟s Fund (UNICEF) website , accessed on 25 July 2011,
provided the following statistical information on life expectancy, education and health:
Eritrean women - Statistics (UNICEF)
Life expectancy: females as a percentage of males, 2009
Life expectancy: The number of years newborn children
would live if subject to the mortality risks prevailing
for the cross-section of population at the time of their
birth.
108
Adult literacy rate: females as a percentage of males, 2005 -
2008*
Adult literacy rate: Percentage of persons aged 15 and over
who can read and write.
71
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net primary school 2005-2009*, enrolled
Gross enrolment ratios: females as % of males: Girls‟ gross
enrolment ratio divided by that of boys, as a
percentage. The gross enrolment ratio is the number
of children enrolled in a schooling level (primary or
secondary), regardless of age, divided by the
population of the age group that officially
corresponds to that level.
87
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net primary school 2005 -2009*, attending
93
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males , Net secondary school 200 5 -2009*,
71 PDF page 88
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enrolled
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net secondary school 200 5 -2009*,
attending
92
Contraceptive prevalence (%), 2005 -2009*
Contraceptive prevalence: Percentage o f women aged 15 -
49 years currently using contraception.
8
Antenatal care coverage (%), At least once, 2005 -2009*
Antenatal care: Percentage of women aged 15 -49 years
attended at least once during pregnancy by skilled
health personnel (doctors, nurses or midwives).
70
Antenatal care coverage (%), At least four times, 200 5 -
2009*
41
Delivery care coverage (%), Skilled attendant at birth, 2005 -
2009*
Skilled attendant at delivery: Percentage of births attended
by skilled health personn el (doctors, nurses or
midwives).
28
Delivery care coverage (%), Institutional delivery, 200 5 -
2009*
26
*Data refers to the most recent year available during the period specified in the column
heading. [52a]
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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
21.14 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea stated, in its
introduction, that: “Female genital mutilation (FGM) althoug h prevalent in rural areas,
declined significantly in urban areas, according to trusted sources.” [3b] (Introduction). The
same report also noted that: “Violence against women occurred and was pervasive in
rural areas.” [3b] (section 6)
21.15 The World Org anisation Against Torture report, Violence against Girls in Eritrea - a
report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child , dated 7 July 2004, stated that:
“Marital rape is not a crime under Eritrean law, as the Transitional Penal Code provides
in Article 589 that rape, by definition, must occur outside of marriage. The Draft Penal PDF page 89
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Code forsees a slight change in this definition, recognizing rape between spouses
where the spouses are separated and living in different households.” [71] (p205)
21.16 The Socia l Institutions and Gender Index (Eritrea section), accessed on 19 October
2010, noted that: “Women in Eritrea have relatively low protection for their physical
integrity. Violence against women is widespread, particularly domestic violence and wife
beating. It was estimated in 2001 that more than 65 per cent of women in the Asmara
area had been victims of domestic violence.” [15]
National service
21.17 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
on 20 April 2011, stated that:
“Sexual violence against female conscripts within the military is being reported by
human rights monitors. Some female conscripts are reportedly subject to sexual
harassment and violence, including rape, by their supervisors. It is reported that female
conscripts are coerced into having sex with commanders, including through threats of
heavy military duties, harsh postings, and denial of home leave. Refusal to submit to
sexual exploitation and abuse is allegedly punished by detention, torture and ill-
treatment, including exposure to extreme heat and limitation of food rations. No effective
mechanism for redress and protection exists within or outside the military, and
perpetrators generally go unpunished. Women, who become pregnant as a result, are
decommissioned and likely to experience social ostracism from their families and
communities as unmarried mothers.” [32b] (p18)
21.18 Regarding nationa l service and abuses against women, the United States State
Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated that: “During the year [2010] the
government continued efforts to detain female draft evaders and deserters. According to
reports, some women dr afted for national service were subjected to sexual harassment
and abuse.” [3b] (section 6).
21.19 A Human Rights Concern - Eritrea report , International Women‟s Day Celebration in
Eritrea, dated 9 March 2010, provided more information about t he abuses co mmitted
against women:
“It is compulsory for Eritrean women to serve in the national service where they are not
treated as equals with the male soldiers, who themselves are there against their wishes
and maltreated, but used as sex objects by the military officers and made to work as
housemaids-cum-slaves. Women are subjected to abuses and sexual harassment by
officers in the training/concentration camps, prisons and the army. Refusal to meet the
demands of the officers usually results in torture and reassignment to places with
extremely hostile living and working conditions.” [45]
21.20 The same Human Rights Concern - Eritrea report also stated that:
“In most Eritrean ethnic groups recruitment of women into the military is traditionally not
accepted. Women thus recruited are therefore shunned as suitable wives and mothers.
They are maltreated by the army and ostracised by the rest of Eritrean society.
Paradoxically, childbirth provides the only release from national service into a socially PDF page 90
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89
and economically rejecting society. Some Eritrean women marry early simply to avoid
the national service.” [45]
Protection
21.21 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated that:
“Domestic violence is a crime; however, domestic violence cases were rarely brought to
trial, and there were no legal penalties enshrined into law. Women seldom openly
discussed domestic violence because of societal pressures. Such incidents were more
commonly addressed, if at all, within families or by clergy. The authorities‟ response to
domestic violence was hindered by a lack of trained personnel, inadequate funding, and
unsupportive societal attitudes.” [3b] (section 6)
21.22 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Re port: Eritrea also stated
that: “Rape is a crime punishable by up to 10 years‟ imprisonment. Gang rape, rape of a
minor, or an invalid is punishable by up to 15 years in prison. Sexual assault is
punishable by six months to eight years in prison. Spousal r ape is not categorically
outlawed. No information was available on the prevalence of rape. Authorities often
responded to reports of rape by encouraging the perpetrator to marry the victim.”
[3b] (section 6)
21.23 A United Nations Human Rights Coun cil Working Group on the Universal Periodic
Review report (summary of stakeholders submissions) on Eritrea, dated 15 September
2009, stated that:
“SRI [Sexual Rights Initiative NGO] stated that the Government has taken a firm public
stance against domestic violence, especially wife beating, which is widespread and that
marital rape is not categorically outlawed in Eritrea…while noting that overall the
Government has failed to protect women from violence, SRI recommended that the
Government: criminalize marital rape; conduct public awareness-raising campaigns on
rape as a crime and empower victims and their families to expose it; amend the
necessary legislation so marriage to the victim does not result in charges of rape being
dropped…while also duly investigating and punishing those responsible for it and
providing assistance to victims.” [73b] (p4)
REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS
21.24 A report submitted by the Sexual Rights Initiative (an association of NGOs including
Mulabi, Action Canada, Action India, Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning,
and others) to the United Nations Human Rights Council, in December 2009, for the
purposes of a Universal Periodic Review, stated:
“The use of contraception is not widespread. Unless their husbands allow it, women
have no choice to prevent pregnancy. Abortion is forbidden by Law and Sharia‟a in
Eritrea and there is no way to find registered clinics offering that practice. For the
Eritreans, abortion is a religious sin. If a woman has to abort, she may do it at home -
called „domestic abortion‟ - a practice that doubtless puts her on high risk of death. If
she dies, her relatives would never admit the reason of death, so there are no clear
records in this regard. The main causes of maternal mortality are the lack of medical
assistance, the bad roads which delay access to medical help, and the malnutrition,
especially in the villages and towns far from Asmara.” [70] PDF page 91
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21.25 As regards abortion, a report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the
United Nations Human Rights Council for the purposes of a United Nations Universal
Periodic Review, stated that: “Abortion, although still punishable under the penal code,
is permitted in situations where a physician certifies that the mother would suffer grave
and permanent damage due to severe physical and mental stress, or when the
pregnancy has resulted from rape or incest.” [73a]
See also Human Rights - Introduction; Trafficking - Overview; National service -
exemptions; National service in practice
For information about FGM, see Children - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)
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22. CHILDREN
OVERVIEW
22.01 A national report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the United Nations
Human Rights Council [A/HRC/WG.6/6/ERI/1] for the purposes of a United Nations
Universal Periodic Review stated:
“The State of Eritrea has various provisions for the protection of children‟s rights under
its Transitional Civil Code, Transitional Penal Code and the Transitional Criminal
Procedure Code.
“The State of Eritrea signed and ratified the United Nations Convention of the Rights of
the Child (CRC) in August 1994 and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of
Children (ACRWC) in January 2000. Moreover, Eritrea acceded to the CRC optional
Protocol on the Sale of children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography as well as
CRC optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflicts in February
2005.” [73a]
22.02 The United Nations Children‟s Fund (UNICEF) State of the World‟s Children 2011
report, published in February 2011, provided the following statistical information about
Eritrean children:
UNICEF statistical information
Children in Eritrea
Under-5 mortality rate in 2009
55 per 1,000 live births
Infant mortality rate in 2009 (one year of age or
younger)
39 per 1,000 live births
Number of births in 2009 185,000 PDF page 92
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Number of under-5 deaths in 2009 10,000
life expectancy at birth in 2009 60 years
Primary school net enrolment/attendance (%)
2005-2009* (number of children enrolled in or
attending primary school, expressed as a
percentage of the total number of children of
primary school age)
39
*Data refers to the most recent year available during the period specified in the column
heading [52b]
BASIC LEGAL INFORMATION
22.03 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, noted that: “The legal minimum age for marriage for both men and women
is 18 years old, although religious entities may bless marriages at younger ages.” [3b]
(section 6). The same report also stated that: “The legal minimum age for employment is
14 years old. The law prohibits minors from working in transport industries or working
underground, such as in mines and sewers.” [3b] (section 7) . The Child Soldiers 2008
Global Report stated that the legal voting age in Eritrea is 18 years of age and 18 is the
minimum age for voluntary recruitment into the armed forces. [8]. Only persons who are
18 years of age or olde r are required to undergo national service duties, including
compulsory military service, according to Article 6 of the National Service Proclamation.
[13]. The Child Soldiers 2008 Global Report , however, stated that “…the forcible
recruitment of under -18s had previously been reported, but there was no recent
information due to severe restrictions imposed by the government on access to
independent observers.” [8]. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
(UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing the International Protection Needs of
Asylum-seekers from Eritrea , published on 20 April 2011, stated that: “Although the
minimum age for military conscription is 18, forced underage recruitment, particularly of
boys, as well as detention and ill-treatment of children have been reported.” [32b] (p16)
LEGAL RIGHTS
22.04 The Constitution mentions children specifically in Article 22 in relation to the right to
enjoy family life and that “…parents have the right and duty to bring up their childre n
with proper care and affection; and, in turn, children have the right and the duty to
respect their parents and to sustain them in their old age.” [41] (Constitutionnet.org)
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VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN
22.05 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated that: “There are no laws against child abuse and no government
programs to combat the problem. Physical punishment was widespread and socially
accepted”, and also that: “The law criminalizes child prostitution, pornography, and PDF page 93
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sexual exploitation; however, there were reports that it increasingly occurred during the
year [2010] as economic conditions worsened.” [3b] (section 6)
22.06 Information on the Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) website (accessed on 28
February 2011), comprising of a compilation of extracts about child -rights issues from
reports submitted in connection with the first United Na tions Universal Periodic Review,
stated that:
“In 2008, CRC [UN Committee on the Rights of the Child] was concerned over the
information that children, including those in high schools, are victims of torture, cruel
and degrading treatment by the police and military, in particular children seeking to
avoid military service. It requested Eritrea to take effective measures to protect all
children from torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment; to investigate and
sanction those responsible for having committed abuses; ensure that all child victims of
ill-treatment are provided access to physical and psychological recovery and social
reintegration as well as compensation.
“In 2008, CRC noted that the provision on corporal punishment in the Transitional Penal
Code only applies to children under 15 when endangering gravely their physical and
mental health and that „reasonable chastisement‟ remains permitted. CRC was
concerned that corporal punishment was still widely practiced in the home, the schools
and other settings.” [79]
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Female genital mutilation (FGM)
22.07 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated that:
“According to reliable sources, the practice of FGM has been largely eliminated in urban
areas through the efforts of government educational campaigns to discourage its
practice, but FGM continued in remote villages and among nomadic populations. The
government did not release official figures estimating the current rate of FGM, but
before recent campaigns largely eliminated FGM in urban areas, international
organizations reported that 95 percent of girls had undergone FGM, and these figures
are likely still accurate in rural regions with limited government interaction. In the
lowlands, infibulation - the most severe form of FGM - was practiced. In 2007 the
government issued a proclamation declaring FGM a crime and prohibiting its practice.
The government and other organizations, including the NUEW [National Union of
Eritrean Women] and the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students, sponsored a
variety of education programs during the year [2010] that discouraged the practice.”
[3b] (section 6)
22.08 A report published on the No Peace Without Justice (international NGO) website ,
entitled 2007: Eritrea bans female circumcision , stated that the law making the practice
of FGM illegal in Eritrea is Proclamation 158/2007 , issued on 4 April 2007. This law
states that:
“(1) Whosoever performs female circumcision shall be punishable with imprisonment of
two to three years and a fine of five to ten thousand (5,000.00 to 10,000.00) Nakfa. If
female circumcision causes death, imprisonment shall be from five to ten years.
(2) Whosoever requests, incites or promotes female circumcision by providing tools or PDF page 94
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93
by any other means shall be punishable with imprisonment of six months to one year
and a fine of three thousand (3,000.00) Nakfa.
(3) Where the person who performs female circumcision is a member of the medical
professions, the penalty shal[l] be aggravated and the court may suspend such an
offender from practicing his/her profession for a maximum period of two years.
(4) Whosoever, knowing that female circumcision is to take place or has taken place,
fails, without good cause, to warn or inform, as the case may be, the proper authorities
promptly about it, shal[l] be punishable with a fine of up to one thousand (1,000.00)
Nakfa.” [5]
22.09 The BBC News report, Eritrea bans female circumcision , dated 4 April 2007, provided
additional information about the 2007 ban on FGM:
“Eritrea has banned the life-threatening practice of female circumcision, the Eritrean
information ministry has said...The move follows a campaign against the practice by the
National Union of Eritrean Women, which says more than 90% of Eritrean women are
circumcised…female circumcision is a procedure that seriously endangers the health of
women, causes them considerable pain and suffering besides threatening their lives,‟
the government proclamation said.
“„Whosoever requests, incites or promotes female circumcision by providing tools or any
other means and whosoever, knowing that female circumcision is to take place or has
taken place, fails without good cause, to warn or inform the proper authorities promptly,
shall be punishable with a fine and imprisonment,‟ it continued.” [25h]
22.10 There was some variation between sources regarding the percentage of girls who have
undergone FGM. The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report :
Eritrea stated that “…95 percent of girls had undergone FGM…” [3b] (section 6). The BBC
News report, Eritrea bans female circumcision , dated 4 April 2007, stated that “…more
than 90% of Eritrean women are circumcised.” [25h]. The United Nations Children‟s Fund
(UNICEF) State of the World‟s Children 2011 report, published in February 2011 ,
however, stated that 89 percent of women had undergone FGM. [52b]
22.11 The UNICEF report Commemorating the ban on female genital mutilation in E ritrea,
dated 22 February 2010, stated that:
“Letenkiel Misghina, a former practitioner of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C),
recently attended an all-day event commemorating the banning of the practice in
Eritrea. The colourful procedings included speeches, poems, testimonies, information
sessions, a marathon, a bicycle race and a carnival.
“In 2007, the Government of Eritrea passed a proclamation banning FGM/C. An
intensive, multi-faceted advocacy and mobilization campaign ensued, aiming to change
attitudes among different groups of society - including traditional birth attendants,
circumcizers, community elders and religious leaders…despite the ban, much work is
still needed to ensure the full elimination of FGM/C in Eritrea, where the practice is still
seen by many as an important factor in attaining social acceptance and improving girls'
marriage prospects.
“In 2002, the Eritrean Demographic and Health Survey showed that 89 per cent of
Eritrean women had been cut. This prevalence rate is among the highest on the African PDF page 95
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continent. In the survey, 42 per cent of women said the practice was beneficial for social
acceptance; 25 per cent for marriage prospects; and 18 per cent for religious approval.
“Since the ban, it appears that traditional birth attendants and circumcizers have
increasingly dropped the practice and become advocates for change. UNICEF Eritrea‟s
goal is to attain a 30 per cent reduction in the practice of FGM/C by 2011.” [52c]
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Child labour
22.12 The United States Department of Labour 2009 Findings on the Worst Forms of Chi ld
Labor report, published on 15 December 2010, stated that:
“Children are exploited in the worst forms of child labor in Eritrea, many of them in
agriculture. Children in rural areas of Eritrea work on farms producing corn, wheat,
sorghum, and other grains, and in fields gathering firewood, hauling water, and herding
livestock. Children‟s work in agriculture commonly involves use of potentially dangerous
machinery and tools, carrying of heavy loads, and the application of harmful pesticides.
Children are also engaged in domestic labor where they may face long hours of work
and exposure to physical and sexual exploitation by their employers.
“In urban areas, children repair vehicles and work on the streets as vendors. Children
also work in garages and workshops making household utensils and furniture. In
Asmara, some children engage in commercial sexual exploitation and street begging.
Children working on the streets are exposed to a variety of dangers, which may include
severe weather, accidents caused by proximity to vehicles, and vulnerability to criminal
elements.” [42] (p235)
22.13 As regards laws and legal protections that relate to child labour, the United States
Department of Labour Child Labor report stated that:
“The Labor Proclamation sets the minimum age for employment at 14 and the minimum
age for hazardous work at 18. Under this law, hazardous work includes transporting
goods and passengers, heavy lifting, working with toxic chemicals and dangerous
machines, and working underground, such as in mines, quarries, sewers, and tunnel
digging. However, the Labor Proclamation does not include penalties for employers of
children in hazardous work or children under the minimum age…slavery, servitude and
forced labor are prohibited by the Constitution. The Penal Code prohibits and provides
penalties for trafficking in persons for sexual exploitation, child rape, and child
prostitution. There is no legislation to prohibit trafficking for labor exploitation. Children
under 18 are prohibited from being recruited into the armed forces by Proclamation
11/1991. However, children under age 18 may receive military training.” [42] (p236)
See also National service – students and conscription
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22.14 The World Organisation Against Torture report, Violence against Girls in Eritrea - a
report to the Committee on the Rights of the Child, dated 7 July 2004, stated:
“Article 594-599 of the Eritrean Penal Code provides harsh penalties for sexual acts
involving children. However, these punishments are rarely exercised because such
crimes are seldom reported.
“There is a lack of information concerning sexual abuse and incest within the
family…girl sex workers are particularly vulnerable to sexual violence and abuse.
Additionally, because they are ostracized by society, they are susceptible to
psychological harm and stunted development. With very few child sex workers being
aware of the need for contraception, they are also at extreme risk of contracting
HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.” [71] (pages 209-210)
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EDUCATION
22.15 Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011, stated that:
“Education is provided free of charge in government schools and at the University of
Asmara. There are also some fee -paying private schools . Education is officially
compulsory for children between seven and 13 years of age. Primary education begins
at the age of seven and lasts for five years. Secondary education, beginning at 12 years
of age, lasts for up to six years, comprising a first cyc le of two years and a second of
four years.” [24] (Society and Media) . Awate reported on 4 June 2010 that the University of
Asmara was closed down in 2006. [27l]
22.16 The UNICEF (United Nations Children‟s Fund) State of the World‟s Children report,
published in February 2011, stated that the primary school attendance ratio (number of
children enrolled in or attending primary school, expressed as a percentage of the total
number of children of primary school age) in the 2005-2009 period was 69 for males and
64 for females. [52b]
22.17 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated that:
“Education through grade seven is compulsory, and tuition free; however, students were
responsible for uniforms, supplies, and transportation, which was prohibitively
expensive for many families. Education above grade seven requires a nominal fee and
was not compulsory. There was a shortage of schools and teachers at all levels,
remedied in part by holding morning and afternoon shifts at schools. In rural areas,
young girls usually left school early to work at home.” [3b] (section 6)
22.18 The Eritrean Ministry of Information (Shabait) report, Eritrea: Institutions of Higher
Education Making Due Contribution in Building Human Capacity, dated 11 March 2009,
stated:
“The Executive Director of the National Board for Higher Education, Dr. Tadesse
Mehari, said that the expansion of colleges of higher education in all the administrative
regions has become a cornerstone in developing competent manpower. PDF page 97
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“He said that the University of Asmara that was the sole institution of higher learning in
the country used to enroll only about 1,000 students. At present, however, tens of
thousands of students have become beneficiaries of higher education thanks to the
opening of a number of colleges across the nation.
“Dr. Tadesse further noted that the colleges opened over the past couple of years
include the Eritrean Institute of Technology in Mai Nefhi, the Hamelmalo Agricultural
College, the College of Health Sciences, the Orotta School of Medicine, the College of
Marine Science and Technology, the College of Business and Economics as well as the
College of Arts and Social Science. To-date, a total of 3,000 students have graduated in
degree and diploma from the newly opened institutions of higher education, he added.”
[46c]
See also National service – students and conscription
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HEALTH AND WELFARE
22.19 The UNICEF (United Nations Children‟s Fund) State of the W orld‟s Children 2011
report, published in February 2011, provided the following statistical information about
the health of Eritrean children: PDF page 98
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* Data refers to the most recent year available during the period specified
x Data refers to years or periods other than those specified; differ from the standard
definition, or refer to only part of a country. [52b]
22.20 An article entitled Eritrea‟s Significant Achievement in Child Health, dated 10 December
2008, published on the Shaebia (People‟s Front for Democracy and Justice) website,
stated:
“Eritrea is one of the few third world countries that are expected to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals on the health sector in general and child health in
particular. The country has registered remarkable progress in child mortality rate over
UNICEF statistical information - health of children in Eritrea
percentage of one -year-old children immunised aga inst
tuberculosis (2009)
99
percentage of one -year-old children who have received their first
dose of diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus vaccine (2009)
99
percentage of one -year-old children who have received three
doses of diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus vaccine (2009)
99
percentage of one -year-old children who have received three
doses of polio vaccine (2009)
96
percentage of one -year-old children immunised against measles
(2009)
95
percentage of one -year-old children who have received three
doses of hepatitis B vaccine (2009)
99
percentage of one -year-old children who have received three
doses of haemophilus type b vaccine (2009)
99
percentage of new-borns protected against tetanus (2009)
86
percentage of children under five years old with diarrhoea receiving
oral rehydration and continued feeding 2005-2009*
54x
percentage of children under five years old with fever receiving
anti-malarial drugs 2006-2009*
4x PDF page 99
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the last 17 years…while African children‟s health care situation is at a low level, Eritrea
has given a good lesson to the rest of the continent. Eritrea reduced child death rate by
50 percent and that makes it one of the few countries on track for achieving the
Millennium Development Goals.
“According to the report of the Ministry of Health, the achievement is attributed to
regular vaccination, public campaigns, dedication of health workers, high community
participation, and above all the political commitment of the country. Consequently,
Eritrean children are now free from polio, measles, tetanus and the malaria mortality
rate has also dropped dramatically over the last few years.
“Community based child health care, one of the most effective measures, was
established in 2005 in 17 villages, and in 2007 it reached 63. These centers played an
important role in the provision of health services to remote areas of the country where
the majority of the people live.” [44a]
See also Human Rights - Introduction; Trafficking - Overview; Medical Issues;
and Students and conscription
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23. TRAFFICKING
OVERVIEW
23.01 The United States State Departme nt Trafficking in Persons Report 201 1, published on
27 June 2011, stated that:
“Eritrea is a source country for men, women, and children subjected to forced labor
and, to a lesser extent, sex trafficking. During the reporting period, acts of forced labor
occurred in Eritrea, particularly in connection with the implementation of the country‟s
national service program…Each year, large numbers of Eritrean workers migrate in
search of work, particularly to the Gulf States and Egypt, where some become victims of
forced labor, primarily in domestic servitude. For example, in December 2010,
smugglers reportedly held 250 Eritrean migrants hostage in the Sinai Desert and forced
some to build homes and provide domestic labor. Smaller numbers of Eritrean women
and girls are subjected to sex trafficking inside the country and potentially in Gulf
countries. In addition, thousands of Eritreans flee the country illegally, mostly to Sudan,
Ethiopia, and Kenya, where their illegal status makes them vulnerable to situations of
human trafficking.” [3d] (Eritrea)
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GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO TACKLE TRAFFICKING
23.02 The United States State Department Trafficking in Persons Report 2011 stated:
“The Government of the State of Eritrea does not fully comply with the minimum
standards for the elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so.
The Eritrean government does not operate with transparency and published neither
data nor statistics regarding its efforts to combat human trafficking; it did not respond to PDF page 100
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requests to provide information for this report…The Government of the State of Eritrea
made no known efforts to prosecute or punish trafficking offenses during the reporting
period. Article 605 of the Eritrean Transitional Criminal Code prohibits trafficking in
women and young persons for sexual exploitation, which is punishable by up to five
years‟ imprisonment, or from three to 10 years‟ imprisonment if aggravating
circumstances are present; these penalties are not commensurate with punishments
prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Article 565 prohibits enslavement and
prescribes punishment of five to 20 years‟ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently
stringent. Forced labor is prohibited under Article 16 of the ratified, but suspended,
Eritrean Constitution; this provision, however, does not prescribe any penalties.
Proclamation 11/199 prohibits the recruitment of children under 18 years of age into the
armed forces. Nevertheless, there are no documented penalties for such recruitment
and the government has never used these statutes to prosecute cases of human
trafficking. The government did not publish information on investigations or
prosecutions, if any, of human trafficking offenses during the reporting period. Eritrea
similarly failed to report any law enforcement efforts against official complicity in
trafficking offenses, such as the use of forced labor to build personal homes or for other
personal gain of military officers and government officials…the government provided no
known training to its law enforcement on identifying and responding to trafficking
crimes.” [3d] (Eritrea)
See also Human Rights - Introduction; Children; Women
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24. MEDICAL ISSUES
OVERVIEW OF AVAILABILITY OF MEDICAL TREATMENT AND DRUGS
24.01 The World Health Organisation Eritrea Country Cooperation Strategy 2009 - 2013
report, published in 2009, stated that:
“Since independence in 1991, Eritrea has made considerable progress in promoting
equitable, accessible and affordable health services to the majority of its citizens with
the support of its partners. This is demonstrated by the significant improvement of
health indicators…the country still experiences acute shortage of human resource at all
levels of the Health Care delivery System. The health service is delivered in a three tier
system in the country and an effort to improve the referral system is underway.” [22b]
24.02 The AmeriCares (NGO) website (accessed on 28 January 2011) provided the following
information about Eritean health services:
“Ongoing violence, recurring droughts and a rural population in Eritrea pose great
challenges for the new country's health care system. Eritrea gained its independence
from neighboring Ethiopia in 1993. Ninety percent of t he country's 5 million people are
allowed to access free medical treatment at public hospitals and clinics.
“However, Eritrea has only one doctor per 10,000 people and most health care
providers are located in urban areas. With 80% of the cou ntry's population living in rural
areas, it is much harder to access health care or travel to urban health facilities. The PDF page 101
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lack of access to medical care leads to needless deaths in patients with treatable
illnesses, new mothers and children under the age of 5.
“Strengthening the public health system is a priority. In recent years, significant
investments have been made and several new hospitals and teaching facilities were
opened to reach medically underserved communities.” [69]
24.03 Some Eritreans have been critical of health services, as the Eritrean Ministry of
Information (Shabait) report, Members Of The Public Express Complaint With The Work
Of Halibet Hospital, dated 10 December 2010, noted:
“Members of the public expressed complaints with the long-hour lining up at Halibet
Hospital for getting medical card[s] before receiving treatment that is causing extra
suffering to patients.
“They stated that intensive lining up is a daily phenomenon in the hospital as there
exists no separate facility for getting medical cards to children and adults. In this
connection, members of the public voiced criticism against the Health Ministry in
general and the Administration of Halibet Hospital in particular for failing to take
meaningful action towards tackling the problem.
“They went on to say that additional staff members need to be assigned in the card-
provision service. They further explained that although the hospital is rendering better
and fair medical service, concerted action need nonetheless be taken to upgrade work
performance.” [46h]
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HIV/AIDS – ANTI-RETROVIRAL TREATMENT
24.04 A report submitted by the Sexual Rights Initiative ( an association of NGOs including
Mulabi, Action Canada, Action India, Polish Federation for Women and Family Planning,
and others ) to the United Nations Human Rights Council, in December 2009, for the
purposes of a Universal Periodic Review, stated:
“Eritrea faces a rapid expansion of the HIV/AIDS pandemic within the next few years.
The number of people infected by HIV could increase significantly…while figures
compiled since 1997 indicate that HIV prevalence in the adult population is around 3
percent, a recent survey of the army revealed that 4.6 percent of soldiers were HIV-
positive. The same study showed an HIV prevalence of 22.8 percent among female bar
workers.
“Since the first AIDS case in Eritrea was reported in 1988, the progress of the disease
has been rapid. By 2004, more than 13,000 people had been registered as infected.
About 2,500 of these cases were reported in 2001 alone. Other statistics also
demonstrate how quickly the pandemic has expanded. In 1996, AIDS was claimed to be
the 10th highest cause of death in Eritrean hospitals. By last year [2008] it was the
second leading cause of death among patients over five years of age…awareness
campaigns have also been organised by the government for groups considered at
higher risk of being infected, such as truckers and commercial sex workers. But HIV is
still a stigma in Eritrea, so another problem is that those infected do not reveal their
condition and thus have no access to proper assistance.“ [70] PDF page 102
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24.05 The Eritrean Ministry of Information (Shabait) report, Relentless Endeavors Underway
to Prevent HIV/Aids Infection, dated 22 December 2009, however, stated that:
“The number of visitors of the voluntary HIV/AIDS blood testing and counseling service
is on the rise which in turn contributed to the reduction of HIV infection, stated Dr.
Andeberhan Tesfatsion, director of HIV/AIDS and TB in the Ministry of Health.
“In a meeting held at Hotel Asmara Palace, he commended the encouraging endeavors
of all institutions and partners in preventing the spread of the infection and uprooting the
discriminatory attitude of the society towards persons living with HIV/AIDS.
“Dr. Andeberhan further pointed out that the Government is working diligently in
introducing age prolonging medicine (ART- Antiretroviral Therapy) and distributing it to
people living with HIV/AIDS free of charge, and thereby enable [sic] them become
productive.
“He explained that although the spread of HIV/AIDS is at its lowest level in Eritrea
compared to other countries in the region, concerted action is nonetheless needed as
the country is located in high-risk zone.” [46b]
24.06 A more recent Eritrean Ministry of Information ( Shabait) report, HIV/Aids Keeps on
Declining, dated 1 December 2010, stated that:
“The spread of HIV/AIDS infection in Eritrea continues to decline, stated Dr Andeberhan
Tesfatsion, director of national HIV/AIDS and Tuberculosis control department in the
Health Ministry.
“In an interview he conducted with ERINA [Eritrean News Agency] in connection with
World AIDS Day, he pointed out that the infection is declining from year to year thanks
to the campaign being undertaken to raise societal awareness.
“Dr Andeberhan further indicated that the Government is disbursing 8 million to 10
million Nakfa annually for providing medical care to nationals living with HIV/AIDS so as
to enable them [to] become productive. He went on to say that concerted action is also
being taken to help them organize in the Bidho HIV/AIDS Association so that they may
obtain psychological and medical advice, besides securing financial support.
“Noting that the Ministry has been working diligently through mapping out a 5-year work
program for the period 2008 to 2012, Dr Andeberhan said that strenuous efforts are
being exerted to raise public awareness to the highest level and reducing the infection
to the lowest level possible.” [46e]
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DIALYSIS
24.07 The Eritrean Ministry of Information (Shabait) report, Eritrea: Dialysis Treatm ent
Introduced, dated 21 November 2008 stated that “…dialysis treatment for patients
suffering from kidney disease has been introduced in Eritrea. Accordingly, Orotta
Referral Hospital has introduced four modern equipments [sic] to this end.” The report
also stated that “…Eritrean nurses have been trained to properly monitor the newly PDF page 103
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introduced equipments [sic]”, and also that “…previously, patients who require dialysis
treatment used to travel abroad for the treatment.” [46a]
MENTAL HEALTH
24.08 Regarding mental health care in Eritrea, the World Health Organization (WHO) Mental
Health Atlas, published in 2005, stated that although a mental health policy was devised
in 1997, there is no specific mental health legislation other than provisions in the Penal
Code; there is no national mental health programme, nor budget allocations for mental
health. [22a] (pages 1 -2). On actual provision, the WHO Mental Health Atlas stated that
“mental health is a part of the primary health care system. Actual treatment of se vere
mental disorders is available at the primary level. Severe mental disorders are primarily
treated at the tertiary level (at St Mary‟s Psychiatric Hospital). However, limited care is
available at secondary and primary levels.” [22a] (p2) . The WHO Menta l Health Atlas
2005 note d that phenobarbital, chlorpromazine, and diazepam are available at the
primary health care level. [22a] (p3)
See also Overview of availability of medical treatment and drugs
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25. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
25.01 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report : Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, stated:
“The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of movement, foreign
travel, emigration, and repatriation; however, the government restricted all of these
rights in practice…Citizens required government permission for most travel within the
country and to change their places of residence. The government severely restricts
travel to the border regions and does not even offer bus services to towns near the
border. The government continually modified its requirements to obtain passports and
exit visas, sometimes suspending passport or exit visa services without prior warning.
During the year the government introduced a new, machine-readable passport at a cost
of 4,000 nakfa ($267) valid for two years. It costs a citizen in national service
approximately 40 percent of his gross yearly salary just to maintain a valid passport.
The prohibitive cost of the passport deters many citizens from foreign travel.
“Citizens participating in national service were often denied internal travel permits,
passports, and exit visas. Many persons who previously were issued passports were
not allowed to renew them, nor were they granted exit visas. Military police periodically
set up roadblocks in Asmara and on roads between other cities to find draft evaders and
deserters. Police also stopped persons on the street and forcibly detained those who
were unable to present identification documents or movement papers showing they had
permission to be in that area.” [3b] (section 2d)
25.02 The Human Rights Watch Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription Eritrea report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“Severe restrictions on freedom of movement are in place. As more and more of its
citizens leave the country, the government‟s methods to try and stem the exodus have PDF page 104
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become more brutal…within Eritrea, movement is equally circumscribed through a
variety of mechanisms…a visitor to Eritrea in late 2008 described buses being
frequently stopped and passengers asked for ID cards: some possessed laminated
cards showing that they had completed national service, others had letters authorizing
travel to a specific place and for a limited period of time.” [29c] (p62-63)
25.03 Foreign nationals in Asmara need permission to travel outside the city, as noted in the
Travel Advice (updated 5 July 2011) section of the United Kingdom Foreign and
Commonwealth Office website:
”All foreign nationals are required to have a travel permit to leave Asmara. Those
working outside Asmara are also required to have a travel permit to leave their area of
residence or work. Applications for such travel permits in Asmara are handled by the
relevant ministry. For business travellers, applications are dealt with by the Ministry of
Trade and Industry. Applications outside Asmara are handled by the local Zoba
(Region) Administration Offices. Permission may take several days to be granted and is
sometimes refused or delayed…Foreign diplomats were told in February 2011 that they
would not be issued with travel permits until further notice. Staff from the British
Embassy are therefore unlikely to be able to offer any consular assistance to British
nationals outside Asmara.” [10c]
25.04 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 10 August 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“Travel permits are required to travel anywhere in Eritrea, travel to border areas is not
permitted. They are issued by the Ministry of Defence (MOD), the Demobilisation
Commission and other local administration offices. The format is not standard, for those
who have completed their national service, they can travel using their ID Card and their
demobilisation papers. If issued by the MOD, the travel permit contains: full name, date
of travel, expiry date of permit and where travelling to and from. The demobilisation
paper contains: full name, military number, date of birth, national service details and a
photograph of the holder. Anyone found trying to leave without the necessary permit or
demobilisation paper will be detained until they can prove they have completed their
national service. Those who have not reported for national service will be detained as
deserters and sent to a military training camp. ID cards are compulsory for anyone over
the age of 18. They are issued by the Department of Immigration and Nationality in a
standard format. They contain: full name, date of birth, place of birth, address and a
photograph of the holder. ID cards need to be carried at all times. If found not to be in
possession of an ID card, individuals will be detained until such time as one can be
produced. They rely on friends or guards to inform their family of their detention.” [10e]
See also Round-ups (Giffas) and Exit and return
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26. CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONALITY
26.01 The legal requirements for Eritrean nationality are set out in Eritrean Nationality
Proclamation 21/1992, which became law on 6 April 1992. Eritrean nationality can be
acquired through birth, adoption, naturalisation, and marriage. Dual nationality is not PDF page 105
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allowed. The Proclamation also contains provisions that allow citizenship to be
rescinded. [2] (Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992)
26.02 Article 2 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to birth in Eritrea and states that:
“1 Any person born to a father or a mother of Eritrean origin in Eritrea or abroad is an
Eritrean national by birth.
“2 A person who has „Eritrean origin‟ is any person who was resident in Eritrea in 1933.
“3. A person born in Eritrea of unknown parents shall be considered an Eritrean national
by birth until proven otherwise.
“4. Any person who is an Eritrean by origin or by birth shall, upon application, be given
a certificate of nationality by the Department of Internal Affairs.
“5. Any person who is Eritrean by birth, resides abroad and possesses foreign
nationality shall apply to the Department of Internal Affairs if he wishes to officially
renounce his foreign nationality and acquire Eritrean nationality or wishes, after
providing adequate justification, to have his Eritrean nationality accepted while
maintaining his foreign nationality.” [2] (Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992)
26.03 Article 3 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to individuals who were born abroad and
entered and resided in Eritrea between 1934 and 1951 and states that:
“1. Eritrean nationality is hereby granted to any person who is not of Eritrean origin and
who entered, and resided in, Eritrea between the beginning of 1934 and the end of
1951, provided that he has not committed anti-people acts during the liberation struggle
of the Eritrean people. He shall, upon application, be given a certificate of nationality by
the Department of Internal Affairs, provided that he has not rejected Eritrean nationality.
The provisions of article 2(5) of this Proclamation shall apply when such a person
possesses the nationality of another country.
“2. Any person born to a person mentioned in sub-article 1 of this article is Eritrean by
birth. The Department of Internal Affairs shall, upon his application, issue him a
certificate of nationality.
“3. The Department of Internal Affairs shall revoke the nationality of any person
mentioned in sub-article 1 of this article where it determines that he had acquired
Eritrean nationality or the certificate of Eritrean nationality by fraud, deceit or
concealment of decisive facts.” [2] (Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992)
26.04 Article 4 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to individuals who were born abroad and
entered and resided in Eritrea in 1952 or thereafter and states that:
“1. Any person who is not of Eritrean origin and has entered, and resided in, Eritrea in
1952 or after shall apply for Eritrean nationality to the Secretary of Internal Affairs.
“2. The Secretary of Internal Affairs shall grant Nationality by Naturalization to the
person mentioned in sub-article 1 of this article provided that the person: PDF page 106
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a) has entered Eritrea legally and has been domiciled in Eritrea for a period of ten (10)
years before 1974 or has been domiciled in Eritrea for a period of twenty (20) years
while making periodic visits abroad;
b) possesses high integrity and has not been convicted of any crime;
c) understands and speaks one of the languages of Eritrea;
d) is free of any of the mental or physical handicaps mentioned in article 339-340 of the
Transitory Civil Code of Eritrea, will not become a burden to Eritrean society and can
provide for his own and his family's needs;
e) has renounced the nationality of another country, pursuant to the legislation of that
country;
f) has decided to be permanently domiciled in Eritrea upon the granting of his Eritrean
nationality;
g) has not committed anti-people acts during the liberation struggle of the Eritrean
people.
“3. A person shall be granted Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization and given a
certificate of nationality pursuant to sub-article 2 of this article only after he signs the
oath of allegiance attached to, and is part of, this Proclamation before the Secretary of
Internal Affairs or any other official designated by him. Eritrean nationality granted
pursuant to article 4 of this Proclamation shall be proclaimed in the Gazette of Eritrean
Laws.
“4. A person given a certificate of Eritrean nationality pursuant to sub-article 2 of this
article shall acquire the status of a Naturalized Eritrean national as of the date of receipt
of the certificate.
“5. The Secretary of Internal Affairs may cause the name of any offspring on whose
behalf an application has been made by a person responsible for him under the law and
who has been granted Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization to be included in the
certificate of nationality of the applying person. The minor offspring shall acquire the
status of a naturalized national as of the date of the inclusion of his name.
“6. Any person born to a naturalized Eritrean national pursuant to article 4 of this
Proclamation after the person has been granted the status of a Naturalized National
becomes an Eritrean by birth.” [2] (Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992)
26.05 Article 5 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to obtaining nationality by adoption and
states that: “The Secretary of Internal Affairs shall grant Eritrean National ity by
Naturalization and issue a certificate of nationality to a person adopted legally by, and
upon the application of, an Eritrean national by birth or by Naturalization or by the
adopted person himself.” [2] (Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992)
26.06 Article 6 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to obtaining nationality through marriage
and states that: PDF page 107
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“1. Any person of non-Eritrean origin who is legally married to an Eritrean national by
birth or to a person granted Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization shall be granted
Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization when such a person applies to the Secretary of
Internal Affairs, provided that the person:
a) has lived in Eritrea with the spouse for at least three (3) years;
b) has renounced his foreign nationality and is prepared to acquire Eritrean nationality;
c) signs an oath of allegiance pursuant to article 4(3).
“2. A person who had been granted Eritrean nationality by reason of marriage shall be
deprived of his nationality by the Secretary of Internal Affairs where such a person
chooses to re-acquire his original nationality upon the death of the spouse or by divorce
or when the marriage is declared null and void by a court of law.” [2] (Eritrean Nationality
Proclamation 21/1992)
26.07 Article 8 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to the deprivation of nationality and
states that:
“1. A committee composed of the Secretaries of Justice, Internal Affairs and Public
Administration may deprive of his nationality an Eritrean national by birth or an Eritrean
granted Nationality by Naturalization pursuant to article 4 hereof, who has attained the
age of eighteen and has capacity under the law where such a person:
a) voluntarily acquires a foreign nationality after the publication of this Proclamation; or
b) officially renounces his Eritrean nationality; or
c) signs an oath of allegiance of another country after the publication of this
Proclamation; or
d) in violation of an explicit provision of Eritrean law, serves or continues to serve
another country; or
e) is condemned for treason by a court of law.
“2. A committee composed of the Secretaries of Justice, Internal Affairs and Public
Administration may deprive of his Nationality a person who has been granted Eritrean
Nationality by Naturalization (articles 4 to 6) where such a person:
a) acquires Eritrean nationality or a certificate of nationality by fraud, deceit or
concealment of decisive facts; or
b) is confirmed, that he has, by illegally contacting external powers, committed acts
which aided and abetted an enemy;
c) has committed treason outside Eritrea;
d) has been indicted for a crime and sentenced to more than five years imprisonment;
e) has committed any one of the acts enumerated in sub article(l) hereof. PDF page 108
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“3. A person shall be deprived of his nationality pursuant to sub-articles (l) and (2)
hereof only after the necessary investigation has been conducted and after such a
person has been given an opportunity to defend himself.” [2] (Eritrean Nationality Proclamation
21/1992)
The nationality law, Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992 , can be accessed here:
http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/refworld/rwmain?docid=3ae6b4e026
See also Religion - Jehovah‟s Witnesses
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ETHIOPIANS IN ERITREA
26.08 The Human Ri ghts Watch report, The Horn Of Africa War: Mass Expulsions and the
Nationality Issue, published in January 2003, noted that:
“The legal status of Ethiopian residents in Eritrea who had not sought Eritrean
nationality at the time of the war‟s [with Ethiopia] outbreak [in 1998] does not appear to
be in dispute. The Eritrean government as a rule considered them as aliens. It did not
automatically issue the Eritrean national identity card or passport to these Ethiopians
nor did it recruit them for employment reserved for nationals. Ethiopians were also not
called up for military service in Eritrea. For the purposes of residency and departure
procedures, the Eritrean government continued to deal with Ethiopian nationals under
the normal institutions and procedures governing aliens residing in the country, i.e. they
were required to acquire residency permits and obtain exit visas to leave the country.”
[29d] (p31)
26.09 An International Committee of the Red Cross report, published in August 2009, stat ed
that “…the Eritrean authorities have informed the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) that it will no longer be involved in any repatriation of Ethiopians from the
country. According to the authorities, this decision was motivated by the uni lateral
cancellation of two repatriation operations in late 2008 and early 2009 by Ethiopia”. The
report further stated that since 2000, more than 43,000 Ethiopian and Eritrean civilians
have been repatriated to their respective countries, and that “the decision of the Eritrean
authorities to terminate the ICRC‟s involvement in the repatriations does not affect the
right of Ethiopian nationals to leave Eritrea if they wish to do so.” [47]
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27. IDENTITY (ID) CARDS AND DOCUMENTATION
27.01 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 10 August 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“ID cards are compulsory for anyone over the age of 18. They are issued by the
Department of Immigration and Nationality in a standard format. They contain: full
name, date of birth, place of birth, address and a photograph of the holder. ID cards
need to be carried at all times. If found not to be in possession of an ID card, individuals
will be detained until such time as one can be produced. They rely on friends or guards
to inform their family of their detention…by virtue of Article 51 of the T/Criminal PDF page 109
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Procedure Code of Eritrea, the police and army are empowered to carry out routine
checks on individuals unless the person concerned is a member of the diplomatic
community. Individuals have to produce their ID card and demobilisation
papers…according to Art 5 of the Eritrean Peoples‟ Liberation Front (EPLF) Civil Law,
every People‟s Congress has the duty and responsibility to organise Civil Status
Officers who shall register births, marriages and deaths within its jurisdiction, and are
duty-bound to issue certificates on request by any individual, as prescribed under Article
9 of the law. But in practice People‟s Congresses have not yet been re-established
since independence in the spirit of the law. Therefore, registration of births, marriages
and deaths is not available except in Asmara. Registration in Asmara has been in
practice since the time of Italian colonisation, however, registration is not mandatory for
the people - even in Asmara. That said, most people do register births in order to
include all family members on their ration cards. There is no central register office
where records are held.” [10e]
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28. EXIT AND RETURN
PASSPORT APPLICATIONS
28.01 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a le tter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“Individuals working in a government ministry or agency must obtain ministerial
permission before applying for a passport. Other individuals must obtain authorisation
from a local government administrator and present a birth certificate, any
military/national service medical exemption documents, and an ID card. The
administrator will then instruct the Department of Immigration (which has offices in
regional capitals) to issue a passport. All of the Department of Immigration‟s regional
offices can issue passports. There is a fee for this service. For some time now, it has
been very difficult to obtain first-issue passports. In practice, those individuals who are
exempt from military/national service, such as people who are ill or old, as well as
government officials who need to travel abroad on official business, will find it easier to
obtain passports. Even in these cases, however, there is no guarantee that a passport
application will be accepted. Passports, which are due to go biometric at some point,
are printed in English, Tigrinya and Arabic.” [10a]
28.02 The Awate report, Eritrea Annuls All Passports; Issues New Ones , dated 19 April 2010,
stated that:
“Cash strapped and facing sanctions and asset-freezes, the Government of Eritrea has
issued an order to its embassies to annul all Eritrean Passports and to require Eritrean
passport-holders to apply for new ones by paying USD $200 (for expatriates) and Nakfa
3000 for Eritrean residents.
“Unlike the old passports, which were valid for 5 years, the new ones will have to be
renewed every 2 years…the decision to reduce the expiration date of the passports
from 5 to 2 years will be specially onerous on Eritreans residing in Middle Eastern
countries who are required to have valid passports from their native country to secure
employment in their host countries. When renewing their passports, they are asked to PDF page 110
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pay the passport fee, any 2% income tax in arrears (tax on income generated in the
host country), as well as any other fee that was imposed by the ruling party (national
defense fee, adopt-a-martyr fee, fight-the-sanction-fee, etc.).” [27m]
28.03 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea, published on
8 April 2011, noted that:
“In general citizens had the right to return. However, citizens residing abroad had to
show proof that they paid the 2 percent tax on foreign earned income to be eligible for
some government services, including exit visas upon their departure from the country.
Applications to return to the country filed by citizens living abroad were considered on a
case-by-case basis if the applicant had broken the law, contracted a serious contagious
disease, or was declared ineligible for political asylum by other governments.”
[3b] (section 2d)
See Freedom of Movement
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EXIT VISAS AND ILLEGAL EXIT
28.04 The United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report: Eritrea stated:
“Citizens and some foreign nationals were required to obtain exit visas to depart the
country. Persons routinely denied exit visas included men up to the age of 54,
regardless of whether they had completed national service; women under the age of 47;
members of Jehovah‟s Witnesses and unregistered religious groups; persons who had
not completed national service; and other persons out of favour with, or seen as critical
of, the government. In 2006 the government began refusing to issue exit visas to
children 11 years and older. During the year [2010] some children as young as five
years of age were denied exit visas either on the grounds that they were approaching
the age of eligibility for national service or because their foreign-based parents had not
paid the 2 percent income tax required of all citizens residing abroad. The government
did not in general grant exit visas to entire families or the male and female parents of
children simultaneously in order to prevent families from fleeing the country. Some
citizens were given exit visas only after posting bonds of approximately 150,000 nakfa
($10,000). Exit visa policies are frequently adjusted in nontransparent ways to
specifically benefit the relatives of high-ranking government officials, such as the
unannounced posting of public notices in locations that the public cannot access.”
[3b] (section 2d)
28.05 The United States State Department International Religious Freedom Report 2010 on
Eritrea, published on 17 November 2010, stated that:
“The application for an exit visa requires a designation of religious affiliation, and
Christians must include their religious denomination in the application. Members of
registered faiths can often obtain exit visas if they have completed national service
requirements and were of retirement age. Members of unregistered faiths required
additional permission from the Office of Religious Affairs, which granted permission,
denied permission, or immediately arrested the applicant.” [3c] (section 2) PDF page 111
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28.06 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources:
“Exit visas used to be issued in sticker form but following a 2009 alleged visa scam are
now stamps. They are produced in a standard format, in English only.
“Exit visas are not issued free of charge. The cost is currently around £8 (GBP) for a
single exit visa. If government officials are travelling on official business we assume, but
cannot confirm, that they do not pay fees.
“Exit visas are issued by the Department of Immigration which has regional offices. All
these regional offices have the authority to issue exit visas. Applicants must apply in
person only…in practice, the majority of Eritreans wishing to travel abroad are not
issued with exit visas and therefore cannot leave the country legally. Government
officials and ministers can certainly obtain exit visas provided they have been given
authorisation to travel abroad on official business. People who need medical treatment
abroad can also obtain exit visas. Businessmen will almost always have to satisfy the
age limit. In other words, they would have to be over the age of 57 before they would be
allowed to apply for an exit visa. Women are not given preferential treatment or
dispensation. For example, we know of many Eritrean women who have undergone
military service, or are married and have children, but have still been refused exit visas
for bona fide journeys abroad. Religious ministers or clerics can obtain exit visas if they
need to travel abroad to attend meetings or events in connection with their religious
faith, but they would have to belong to one of the officially recognised religions, such as
the Roman Catholic Church…multi-exit visas are not issued. Exit visas are valid for one
month and for one journey only.” [10a]
28.07 The Human Rights Watch report Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“Due to the large number of people fleeing or refusing to return after being allowed to
leave, exit visas are routinely denied for young people who are eligible for national
service. Children from the age of 14 are usually denied exit visas but the US State
Department has reported exit visas refused for children as young as five. One older
woman who had managed to travel to visit her children abroad described the signs in
the Foreign Ministry as saying that only men over the age of 54 and women over 47 are
eligible for exit visas, she said, „only the old can travel.‟” [29c] (p63-64)
28.08 The Awate report, A Nation of Fleeing Masses, dated 21 May 2008, suggested that:
“A small privileged group composed of the children and families of high government
officials and ministers as well as of loyal cadres, some in need of specialised medical
diagnosis and treatment, are allowed to travel via Asmara Airport and encouraged to
acquire permanent residence permits in the West, posing as paperless political asylum
seekers. When granted refugee status they travel frequently to Eritrea and remain
ardent supporters of the regime from whom they have sought „asylum‟. Likewise, many
of the perpetuators [sic] of human rights violations in Eritrea have their entire families
transferred abroad and travel regularly to visit them.” [27h]
28.09 The British Embassy in Asmara, in a letter dated 1 April 2010, provided the following
information, obtained from Eritrean sources: PDF page 112
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“People wishing to travel overseas for medical treatment are required to have a medical
certificate provided by a government medical panel. The medical panel is made up of
doctors who have the authority to carry out a medical examination on the person
concerned. Medical certificates are only issued after a medical examination has been
carried out. Depending on the age of the person concerned and severity of the
condition, the normal requirement for military/national service exemption papers may be
waived. We do not believe that letters from foreign doctors are also required as it is
local medical opinion that carries weight in these matters.” [10a]
See Freedom of Movement
28.10 Government officials have been involved in assisting Eritrean citizens to leave Eri trea
illegally, as reported in the United States State Department 2010 Human Rights Report:
Eritrea: “There is a sophisticated network of security officials who accept bribes to aid
draft evaders in crossing the border.” [3b] (section 1f)
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REQUIREMENT TO PAY INCOME TAX
28.11 The Human Rights Watch report Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“There are a variety of ways in which the Eritrean government exerts pressure on exiles
for both financial and political reasons. The government expects all Eritreans in the
diaspora to pay a two percent tax on income. While taxing expatriates may be a
legitimate state function, the manner in which the Eritrean government coerces
individuals into paying this income [tax] presents serious human rights concerns. If
refugees or other Eritrean expatriates do not pay the two percent tax then the
government typically punishes family members in Eritrea by arbitrarily detaining them,
extorting fines, and denying them the right to do business by revoking licenses or
confiscating land.
“The two percent tax is not only a financial mechanism, however. The government also
uses it to consolidate its control over the diaspora population by denying politically
suspect individuals essential documents such as passports and requiring those who live
in Eritrea to provide „clearance‟ documents of their relatives who live abroad -
essentially coercion to ensure that their relatives have paid the two percent expatriate
income tax demanded by the government…one man living in the UK, a known critic of
the government, said that his family had been denied land that they had applied for in
Eritrea, because of his refusal to pay the tax…clearance is a process whereby an
embassy charges a fee to certify that Eritreans living abroad have paid their dues and
are up to date with the two percent tax…a woman living in Eritrea described how
several of her neighbors had had their business licenses revoked because their
children, residents in the United States, had not paid the two percent [tax] and they
could not provide clearance certificates.
“Embassies have particular leverage over many Eritrean immigrants and refugees who
do not have travel documents, and those whose passports require renewing. A refugee
living in Rome had his application for a new passport refused…„if you don‟t pay [the tax] PDF page 113
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they don‟t renew your passport, with no passport, you have no permit to stay in
Italy…so directly or indirectly you are obligated to pay.‟” [29c] (p75-76)
See Freedom of Movement
FAILED ASYLUM SEEKERS
28.12 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Eligibility Guide lines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
in April 2009, stated:
“Eritreans who are forcibly returned may, according to several reports, face arrest
without charge, detention, ill-treatment, torture or sometimes death at the hands of the
authorities. They are reportedly held incommunicado, in over-crowded and unhygienic
conditions, with little access to medical care, sometimes for extended periods of time.
According to credible sources, 1,200 persons were forcibly returned from Egypt to
Eritrea in June 2008, where the majority was detained in military facilities. UNHCR is
aware of at least two Eritrean asylum-seekers who have arrived in Sudan having
escaped from detention following deportation from Egypt in June 2008. Eritreans
forcibly returned from Malta in 2002 and Libya in 2004 were arrested on arrival in Eritrea
and tortured. The returnees were sent to two prisons on Dahlak Island and on the Red
Sea coast, where most are still believed to be held incommunicado. There are also
unconfirmed reports that some of those returned from Malta were killed. In another
case, a rejected asylum-seeker was detained by the Eritrean authorities upon her
forcible return from the United Kingdom. On 14 May 2008, German immigration
authorities forcibly returned two rejected asylum-seekers to Eritrea. They were
reportedly detained at Asmara airport upon arrival and are being held incommunicado,
and believed to be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.
“For some Eritreans, being outside the country may be sufficient cause on return to be
subjected to scrutiny, reprisals and harsh treatment. Individuals may be suspected of
having sought asylum, participating in diaspora-based opposition meetings or otherwise
posing a (real or perceived) threat to the Government, particularly where they have
exited the country illegally.” [32a]
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Annex A
CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR EVENTS
Information is taken from Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011, unless
stated otherwise. [24]
1952 Federation formed between Eritrea and Ethiopia. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1958 Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM) founded. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1961 Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) begins armed campaign for Eritrean
independence from Ethiopia. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1962 Eritrea‟s status reduced to that of an Ethiopian province. [24] (Eritrea - Historical
Context)
1970 The Eritrean People' s Liberation Front (EPLF) forms. [11] (About.com -
accessed on 1 February 2011)
1972-74 Civil war in Eritrea between ELF and breakaway Popular Liberation Forces
(which went on to form the Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front [EPLF] in 1977).
[24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1974 Revolution brings hard -line Marxist „Derg‟ regime to power. [24] (Eritrea - Historical
Context)
1977 First conference of the EPLF held. [58] (EHREA website - accessed on 1
February 2011).
1977-78 Further splits within ELF. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1990
February The EPLF captures the port of Massawa from the Ethiopians. [12b]
(www.eritrea.be - accessed on 15 September 2010)
1991
May EPLF captures Asmara; at the same time Eritrean People‟s Revolutionary
Defence Force (EPRDF) captures Addis Ababa and overthrows Derg; EPRDF
recognises EPLF as government of Eritrea and agrees independence
referendum for Eritrea in 1993. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1993
April UN-supervised referendum overwhelmingly approves independence from
Ethiopia. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
May On 24 May, Eritrean independence is proclaimed. On 28 May, Eritrean
independence is internationally recognised. The EPLF establishes a transitional
government. The leader of the EPLF, Isaias Afewerki becomes the first
president of Eritrea. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
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June On 8 June, Isaias Afewerki becomes President of Eritrea. [48] (Economic Expert
- Politics of Eritrea - accessed on 15 September 2010)
1994
February EPLF becomes the People‟s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and
espouses its support for a pluralistic political system. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
1995
May The National Assembly approves proposals to create six administrative regions
to replace the 10 regional divisions that had been in place since colonial rule.
[24] ] (Domestic Political Affairs)
November The National Assembly approved new names for the regions an d finalised
details of their exact boundaries and sub-divisions. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
1997
May On 23 May, a new constitution is adopted by the Constituent Assembly but is
not fully implemented. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
1998
May Border conflict with Ethiopia erupts into heavy fighting; thousands of Eritreans
expelled from Ethiopia and many Ethiopians leave Eritrea. This conflict lasts
until 2000. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
1999 The border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia continues. Numerous clashes
occur during 1999 between Eritrean and Ethiopian troops. [24] (Conflict with
Ethiopia)
2000
April Peace talks organised by the Organisation for African Unity in Algiers to end the
border conflict fail. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
May Hostilities between Ethiopia and Eritrea resume. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
June The Eritrean and Ethiopian governments sign ceasefire agreement and agree to
UN monitoring force along border. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
December The Eritrean and Ethiopian governments sign a peace agreement in Algeria
establishing commissions to mark border, exchange prisoners, return displaced
people and hear compensation claims. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
2001
February Eritrea accepts United Nations plans for a temporary demilitarised zone along
its border with neighbouring Ethiopia. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
Ethiopia says it has completed its troop withdrawal from Eritrea in accordance
with a United Nations -sponsored agreement to end the border war. [24]
(Conflict with Ethiopia)
April The Eritrean government an nounces that its forces have pulled out of the
border zone with Ethiopia - a key provision of the peace agreement signed
between the two countries. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
May A dissident group at the centre of the PFDJ publicly expresses strong crit icisms
of the President. This group is known as the „Group of 15‟ or „G -15‟. (In later
sources as „G11‟, thus referred to as „G15/G11‟). [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
September The Government closes all privately owned newspapers. Following this the PDF page 116
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police arrest ten leading journalists. [6c] (p6) (Amnesty International - You have
no right to ask, 19 May 2004).
Security authorities detain 11 members of the G11/G15 group. Four memb ers
escape arrest. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
2002
March On 31 March, the ten journalists arrested in September 2001 begin a hunger
strike. Nine of the ten were moved from the 1st Police Station in Asmara to an
unknown location. [6c] (p7) (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask , 19
May 2004)
April On 13 April, the International Tribunal announces a decision on the border issue
between Eritrea and Ethiopia. Both Eritrea and Ethiopia declare victory.
Confusion over which country controls Badme remains. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
May Roma Gebremichael, the wife of one of the G -15 detainees, is arrested. [6c] (p7)
(Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, 19 May 2004)
October Malta deports over 200 asylum seekers back to Eritrea. They are detained on
arrival and held incommunicado without charge or further explanation. [6c] (p5)
(Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, 19 May 2004)
2003
March The Boundary Commission categorically rules Badme to be in Eritrean territory .
Ethiopia voices its opposition to the ruling. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
2004
July UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan visited the Horn of Africa in a new initiative to
kick-start the stalled Ethiopian -Eritrean peace process. [17b] (United Nations
IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: Chronology of Key Events in 2004, 5 January 2005)
September The United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) expresses
disappointment after the Eritrean Government re -imposed restrictions of
movement along a crucial supply route for its peacekeepers. [17b] (United
Nations IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: Chronology of Key Events in 2004 , 5 January
2005)
November Prime Minister Zenawi announces a five -point plan to try to end the border
stalemate with Eritrea, saying his country wou ld accept, “in principle”, the April
2002 ruling of the independent Boundary Commission that was intended to end
hostilities between the two neighbours. He, however, insists that the ruling is
still illegal and unjust. Any attempt to implement the Hague -based decision, he
adds, “might lead to a serious escalation of the tension between the two
countries and thereby undermine the peace”. [17b] (United Nations IRIN -
Ethiopia-Eritrea: Chronology of Key Events in 2004, 5 January 2005)
2005
February The United Nations noted a large number of troops being deployed at
the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The troops remained on their own soil,
but Ethiopian soldiers had come within a 20 - 40 kilometre range of the frontier .
[25d] (BBC News - Concern at Horn troop deployment, 17 February 2005)
August A UN special envoy for the humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa, conducted
an eight-day visit to the region to assess prosp ects for long-term food security.
The government asks the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to
cease its operations in the Horn of Africa country. [17c] (United Nations IRIN - PDF page 117
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Ethiopia-Eritrea: Year in Brief, July -Dec 2005 - A Chronology of Key Events, 11
January 2006)
October The Eritrean government imposes more restrictions on the movement of UN
peacekeepers, days after grounding UN helicopter flights. [17c] (United Nations
IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: A Chronology of Key Events in 2005, 11 January 2006)
December The United Nations relocates some UNMEE staff to Ethiopia following Eritrea‟s
decision to expel European and North American personnel. [17c] (United Nations
IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: A Chronology of Key Events in 2005, 11 January 2006)
2006
January Christian Today NGO reports that the patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church
has been placed under arrest. [49] (Christian Today - Eritrean Patriarch Under
House Arrest as Government Repression Increases, 23 January 2006)
June The Eritrean government places travel restrictions on foreign nationals and dual
nationality holders that apply to travel into the country and travel within the
country. [3e] (US State Dept Document Reciprocity Schedule, Eritrea - accessed
on 22 October 2010)
October On 16 October, the Eritrean army moves 1,500 troops and 14 tanks into the
demilitarised zone of the Ethiopian/Eritrean border. The United Nations state
that this is a “major breach of the ceasefire” agreement. [25e] (BBC News -
Eritrea incursion „to pick crops‟, 17 October 2006)
November On 3 November, Helen Berhane, a Rhema church member who had been
detained without trial, and was reportedly tortured, was confirmed as having
been released from detention. [6d] (Amnesty International - Eritrea: gospel
singer Helen Berhane released, 3 November 2006)
December Military service round-up (Giffa) begins in Asmara; 500 parents and relatives of
young people missing from official registers targeted for arrest, detention and
fines. [6e] (Amnesty Interna tional - Eritrea: Over 500 parents of conscripts
arrested, 21 December 2006)
2007
June Police raids in Asmara, Pente Christians are detained. [50] (Christian Solidarity
Worldwide - Demonstrators call for release of Eritrean Prisoners of Conscience,
29 May 2009)
November Eritrea accepts border line demarcated by international boundary commission.
Ethiopia rejects it. [25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 7 May 2011)
2008
January UN extends mandate of peacekeepers on Ethiopia -Eritrea border for six
months. UN Security Council demands Eritrea lift fuel restrictions imposed on
UN peacekeepers at the Eritrea -Ethiopia border area. Eritrea declines, saying
troops must leave border. [25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 7 May 2011)
April UN Secretary -General Ban Ki Moon warns of likelihood of new war between
Ethiopia and Eritrea if peacekeeping mission withdraws completely. Outlines
options for the future of the UN mission in the two countries.
Djibouti accuses Eritrean troops of digging trenches at dispu ted Ras Doumeira
border area and infiltrating Djiboutian territory. Eritrea denies charge.
[25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 7 May 2011)
May The Eritrean government calls on the UN to terminate its peacekeeping mission.
[25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 7 May 2011) PDF page 118
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117
June Fighting breaks out between Eritrean and Djiboutian troops in the disputed Ras
Doumeira border area. [25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 7 May 2011)
September It was reported by Awate that an Eritrean government intelligence camp in
Molokhseito was attacked by armed units of the Eritrean National Salvation
Front (ENSF). [27b] (Awate - Eritrean Government Unit Attacked , 26 September
2008)
November The Eritrean government launched a fresh crackdown on practicing Christians.
At least 110 evang elical believers were detained. The Christians were arrested
in all parts of the country apart from Asmara. Those detained included 65
members of the evangelical Kale Hiwot Church. [51] (Walta - Eritrea launches
new crackdown on Christians, 27 November 2008)
2009
February The Australian Broadcasting Corporation reported that a bomb explosion killed
two people and wounded eight others at a restaurant in western Eritrea. The
ABC report further stated that “Eritrea blamed Ethiopia for an earlier bomb
attack in January 2008 that killed one person and wounded several others in
another market town near the western border”. [53] (Reuters - Eritrea govt says
bomb kills two,wounds eight, 28 February 2009)
April UN Secretary Council says Eritrea failed to fulfil its obligation to withdraw troops
from disputed border area of Djibouti under an ultimatum issued in January
[2009]. Eritrea denies having troops on Djiboutian soil. [25a] (BBC Timeline:
Eritrea, 7 May 2011)
June The United Nations reported tha t Eritrea was facing a food crisis caused by
poor harvests, a lack of rain, and the high cost of food. [17d] (United Nations
IRIN - How bad is the food crisis really? - analysis, 12 June 2009)
August International tribunal ruling stipulates that Eritrea and Ethiopia have to pay one
another financial compensation for war damages incurred in the 1998 -2000
border war. [25f] (BBC News - Eritrea to pay Ethiopia millions, 18 August 2009)
December The United Nations Security Council voted to impose sanc tions on the Eritrean
regime. The sanctions place an arms embargo on Eritrea, an asset freeze on
specific businesses and individuals, as well as a travel ban on political and
military leaders to be identified by a sanctions committee. [14] (The Times (UK
newspaper) - UN imposes sanctions on Eritrea over support for rebels in
Somalia, 23 December 2009)
2010
February The Red Sea Afars Democratic Organisation (RSADO) stated that it had it killed
17 Eritrean government soldiers and injured more than 20 others in an attack on
military barracks. The attack was carried out in Fura in central Dankalia on 15
February according to a RSADO spokesman. [74] (Ethiopian Journal [Reuters] -
Eritrea rebels say [they] killed 17 government troops, 18 February 2010)
March On 27 March, Egyptian police reportedly shot dead Eritreans trying to cross the
Egyptian/Israeli border illegally. [28] (France24 News - Egypt police kill two
Eritrean migrants at Israel border, 27 March 2010)
August An Ethiopian government ruling allows E ritrean refugees the freedom to live
outside refugee camps, provided they can support themselves, or receive
support from friends or relatives. [17e] (United Nations IRIN - Eritrea-Ethiopia:
Refugees embrace life „out of camps‟, 30 August 2010) PDF page 119
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September On 29 September, the Ethiopian government accused Eritrea of continuing to
undermine efforts to restore peace and stability in Somalia by arming insurgents
battling the transitional Government in Mogadishu and urged the United Nations
Security Council to strictly enforce existing sanctions against Eritrea. [54a]
(United Nations News Service - At General Assembly, Ethiopia accuses Eritrea
of spoiling peace efforts in Somalia, 29 September 2010)
December The international press freedom NGO, the Committee t o Protect Journalists,
reported that Eritrea imprisons the most journalists in Africa and the third most
in the world. [57a] (Sudan Tribune - Eritrea remains Africa‟s largest jailor of
journalists - CPJ, 10 December 2010)
2011
April On 22 April, t housands of Eritreans living in Ethiopia took part in public
demonstrations in various locations in Ethiopia, including the capital, Addis
Ababa. The protesters called for international pressure to bring down the Isaias
Afewerki r egime. [57d] (Sudan Tribune - Eritreans demonstrate in Ethiopia
against Asmara government, 22 April 2011)
May On 24 May, the Eritrean people celebrated 20 years of independence. [46d]
(Shabait [via allafrica.com] People Welcomes May 24 With Sense of Patri otism
and Pride, 24 May 2011)
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119
Annex B
POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS
Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA)
Formerly Alliance of Eritrean National Forces and founded in 1999. Became the Eritrean
National Alliance in 2002. Adopted present name in 2004. Broad alliance of 13 opposition
parties opposed to the PFDJ regime. Chairman: Berhane Yemane “Hanjema”. Secretary
General: Husayn Khalifa.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Islamic Party for Justice and Development (EIPJD)
Founded in 1988 as the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement. Changed name to al-Khalas in 1998;
political wing of EIJ. Leader: Khalil Muhammad Amer.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Islamic Salvation Movement (EISM)
Known until 1998 as the Eritrean Islamic Jihad. The EISM is led by Sheikh Khalil Mohammed
Amer. It is a member of the EDA.
[7b] (Jane‟s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)
The original was the first rebel organisation to fight for Eritrean independence. Member of the
EDA opposition alliance. Leader: Abdallah Idris.
[7b] (Jane‟s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front -Central Command (ELF-CC)
Founded in 1982. Chairman: Abdella Idriss.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front-National Council (ELF-NC)
ELF splinter group. Member of the EDA. Leader: El Amin El Assad.
[7b] (Jane‟s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front-Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC)
Chairman: Ahmed Woldeyesus Ammar.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean National Commission for Democratic Change (ENCDC)
New organisation set up during a political opposition conference held from 31 July to 9 August
2010 in Addis Ababa. One of the aims of the new Commission is to bring the various elements
of the Eritrean political opposition together to form a more united opposition against the Eritrean
regime. [68d] (Asmarino - Message from the National Commission for Democratic Change
(ENCDC), 28 October 2010
Eritrean People‟s Democratic Liberation Front (EPDLF)
The EPDLF is better known as Sagem (Return). Close to the ERDF. It is a member of the EDA
and close to Ethiopian leadership circles. It has limited support, particularly from Christian
Tigrayans. Leader: Tewolde Gebreselassie.
[7b] (Jane‟s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011) PDF page 121
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Eritrean People‟s Democratic Party (EPDP)
Relatively new party. On 25 May 2009, the Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement united
with the Eritrean People‟s Party (EPP), with the latter retaining the name of the united
organisations. On 1 January 2010, the EPP merged with two other parties, the Eritrean
Democratic Party (EDP) and the Eritrean People‟s Movement (EPM) to found a new party - the
Eritrean People‟s Democratic Party (EPDP). This was achieved in a conference in December
2009.
[27p] (Awate - The Next EDA-EPDP Confrontation - 17 January 2011)
Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front - Democratic Party (EPLF-DP)
The EPLF-DP announced its establishment in January 2002. Leadership is based abroad but
claims that its main support base is in Eritrea. Leader: Mesfin Hagos.
[7b] (Jane‟s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Popular Movement (EPM)
Founded in 2004. Leader: Abdallah Adem.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Revolutionary Democratic Front (ERDF)
Founded in 1997 following a merger of the Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea
and a faction of the People‟s Democratic Front for the Liberation of Eritrea. Leader: Berhane
Yemane “Hanjema”.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Gash Setit Organization
Leader: Ismail Nada.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
People‟s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)
Founded in 1970 as the Eritrean Popular Liberation Forces (EPLF); following a split in the
Eritrean Liberation Front, renamed the Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front in 1977; adopted
present name in February 1994. Christian and Muslim support; in May 1991 took control of
Eritrea and formed provisional Government; formed transitional Government in May 1993;
Chairman: Isaias Afewerki. Secretary General: Alamin Mohamed Said.
[24] (Political Organisations (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
Red Sea Afar Democratic Organisation
Afar opposition group. Secretary General: Amin Ahmmad.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4 February 2011)
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121
Annex C
PROMINENT PEOPLE
The sources used in the following list are [24] (Europa World Plus, undated, accessed on 4
February 2011); and [68e] (Asmarino - Isaias - Reshuffles Some of His Ministers, 24 April 2009).
President of Eritrea Isaias Afewerki [24] (The Government)
Minister of Defence General Sebhat Ephrem [24] (The Government)
Minister of Justice Fawzia Hashim [24] (The Government)
Minister of Foreign Affairs Osman Salih Muhammad [24] (The Government)
Minister of Information Ali Abdu [24] (The Government)
Minister of Finance Berhane Abrehe [24] (The Government)
Minister of Trade and Industry Dr Giorgis Teklemikael [24] (The Government)
Minister of Agriculture Arefaine Berhe [24] (The Government)
Minister of Labour and Human Welfare Wizero Salema Hassen [68e]
Minister of Fisheries Dr Salih Mekki [68e]
Minister of Regional Administration Ato Woldmichael Gebremariam [68e]
Minister of Construction Abraha Asfaha [24] (The Government)
Minister of Education Semere Rusom [24] (The Government)
Minister of Health Amna Nur Hussein [68e]
Minister of Mining Ato Ahmad Haji [68e]
Minister of Transport and Communications Woldemikael Abraha [24] (The Government)
Minister of Tourism Askalu Menkerios [68e]
Minister of Land, Water and the
Environment
Tesfai Gebreselassie [68e]
Minister of Local Government Naizghi Kiflu [24] (The Government)
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Annex D
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AI Amnesty International
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
CIA
CEDAW
Central Intelligence Agency
Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women
CPJ Committee to Protect Journalists
EIU Economist Intelligence Unit
FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office (UK)
FGM Female Genital Mutilation
FH Freedom House
GDP Gross Domestic Product
HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
HRW Human Rights Watch
ICG International Crisis Group
ICRC International Committee for Red Cross
IDP Internally Displaced Person
NGO Non Governmental Organisation
RSF Reporters sans Frontières
UNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF United Nations Children‟s Fund
USAID United States Agency for International Development
USSD United States State Department
WHO World Health Organization
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123
Annex E
References to source material
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
1 [United States] Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook
https://www.cia.gov/
Eritrea section, 14 July 2011 version
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2 Eritrean Nationality Proclamation 21/1992 (came into force on 6 April 1992)
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3 United States State Department (USSD) http://www.state.gov/
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brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
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10 Foreign and Commonwealth Office (United Kingdom) www.fco.gov.uk
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national service and exit from Eritrea
b Human Rights and Democracy: The 2010 Foreign and Commonwealth Office PDF page 126
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125
report, March 2011
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e Letter dated 10 August 2010 from the British Embassy in Asmara, about
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f Letter dated 11 October 2010, from the British Embassy in Asmara, about
passport controls, national service, military training and treatment of homosexuals
11 About.com http://www.about.com/
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13 Government of Eritrea
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brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 17 August 2011.
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21 Eritrea Daily http://www.eritreadaily.net/
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