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ERITREA
COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT
COI Service
15 APRIL 2011
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ERITREA 15 APRIL 2011
ii The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 February 2011.
Further brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
Contents
Preface
Latest News
EVENTS IN ERITREA FROM 14 FEBRUARY 2011 TO 15 APRIL 2011
Useful news sources for further information
REPORTS ON ERITREA PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 14 FEBRUARY 2011 AND 15 APRIL 2011
Paragraphs
Background Information
1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01
Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.04
2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01
3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. 3.01
From British rule to national independence (1949 to 1993).............................. 3.01
Domestic political developments (1991 to 1997) ............................................... 3.04
International and domestic developments (1998 to May 2010) ........................ 3.08
4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (JUNE 2010 - FEBRUARY 2011) ........................................... 4.01
5. CONSTITUTION.......................................................................................................... 5.01
6. POLITICAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................... 6.01
Human Rights
7. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 7.01
8. SECURITY FORCES .................................................................................................... 8.01
Police..................................................................................................................... 8.01
Armed forces ........................................................................................................ 8.02
Human rights violations by government forces ................................................ 8.04
Arbitrary arrest and detention............................................................................. 8.04
Torture................................................................................................................ 8.06
Extra-judicial killings........................................................................................... 8.12
Avenues of complaint .......................................................................................... 8.15
9. NATIONAL SERVICE ................................................................................................... 9.01
General background............................................................................................. 9.01
National Service Proclamation 82/1995.............................................................. 9.04
National service in practice ................................................................................. 9.16
Payment for national service............................................................................... 9.23
Penalties for evading national service ............................................................... 9.26
Legal penalties ................................................................................................... 9.26
Punishment of relatives of national service evaders .......................................... 9.28
Round-ups (Giffas)............................................................................................... 9.32
Authorised leave................................................................................................... 9.37
Conscientious objection...................................................................................... 9.38
Students and conscription .................................................................................. 9.39
Exemptions ........................................................................................................... 9.42
Exemption of women.......................................................................................... 9.43
Exemption on medical grounds .......................................................................... 9.45
Exemption of religious clerics............................................................................. 9.48 PDF page 3
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iii
Detention of national service conscripts ........................................................... 9.51
Demobilisation...................................................................................................... 9.53
10. JUDICIARY................................................................................................................ 10.01
Organisation ......................................................................................................... 10. 01
Independence ....................................................................................................... 10. 04
Fair trial ................................................................................................................. 10.05
11. ARREST AND DETENTION - LEGAL RIGHTS ................................................................... 11.01
12. PRISON AND DETENTION CENTRE CONDITIONS ............................................................. 12.01
Location of prisons and detention centres ........................................................ 12.05
13. DEATH PENALTY ....................................................................................................... 13. 01
14. POLITICAL AFFILIATION ............................................................................................. 14.01
Freedom of political expression.......................................................................... 14.01
Freedom of association and assembly............................................................... 14.02
Opposition groups and political activists .......................................................... 14.03
15. FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND MEDIA............................................................................... 15.01
Restrictions on the media.................................................................................... 15.03
Internet .................................................................................................................. 15.05
Journalists ............................................................................................................ 15.06
16. HUMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS, ORGANISATIONS AND ACTIVISTS .................................... 16.01
17. CORRUPTION............................................................................................................ 17.01
18. FREEDOM OF RELIGION.............................................................................................. 18.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 18.01
Religious demography......................................................................................... 18.02
Restrictions........................................................................................................... 18. 03
Christian Pentecostals and Evangelicals........................................................... 18.05
Jehovah’s Witnesses........................................................................................... 18.12
Muslims................................................................................................................. 18.14
19. ETHNIC GROUPS ....................................................................................................... 19. 01
Languages ............................................................................................................ 19.03
Government and societal attitudes..................................................................... 19.05
20. LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL AND TRANSGENDER PERSONS .............................................. 20.01
21. DISABILITY ............................................................................................................... 21.01
22. WOMEN ................................................................................................................... 22.01
Legal rights ........................................................................................................... 22. 01
Political rights....................................................................................................... 22. 02
Social and economic rights................................................................................. 22.04
Violence against women...................................................................................... 22.14
Protection ......................................................................................................... 22. 19
Reproductive health and rights........................................................................... 22.23
23. CHILDREN ................................................................................................................ 23.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 23.01
Basic legal information........................................................................................ 23.03
Legal rights ........................................................................................................... 23. 04
Violence against children .................................................................................... 23.05
Female genital mutilation ................................................................................ 23.07
Child labour ..................................................................................................... 23. 12
Sexual abuse................................................................................................... 23.14
Education .............................................................................................................. 23.15
Health and welfare................................................................................................ 23.19
24. TRAFFICKING............................................................................................................ 24.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 24.01 PDF page 4
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Government efforts to tackle trafficking ............................................................ 24.02
Protection.............................................................................................................. 24.03
25. MEDICAL ISSUES....................................................................................................... 25. 01
Overview of availability of medical treatment and drugs.................................. 25.01
HIV/AIDS – anti-retroviral treatment.................................................................... 25.04
Dialysis.................................................................................................................. 25.06
Mental health ........................................................................................................ 25. 07
26. HUMANITARIAN ISSUES.............................................................................................. 26.01
Overview ............................................................................................................... 26.01
Internally displaced persons (IDPs).................................................................... 26.04
27. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT ........................................................................................... 27.01
28. CITIZENSHIP AND NATIONALITY .................................................................................. 28.01
Ethiopians in Eritrea............................................................................................. 28.08
29. IDENTITY (ID) CARDS AND DOCUMENTATION................................................................. 29.01
30. EXIT AND RETURN ..................................................................................................... 30. 01
Passport applications .......................................................................................... 30.01
Exit visas and illegal exit ..................................................................................... 30.04
Requirement to pay income tax .......................................................................... 30.09
Failed asylum seekers and refugees .................................................................. 30.10
31. ERITREAN ABROAD ................................................................................................... 31.01
Eritreans in Egypt................................................................................................. 31.02
Eritreans in Ethiopia............................................................................................. 31.06
Eritreans in Sudan................................................................................................ 31.10
32. FOREIGN REFUGEES.................................................................................................. 32.01
33. EMPLOYMENT RIGHTS ............................................................................................... 33.01
Forced or compulsory labour.............................................................................. 33.02
Annexes
Annex A – Chronology of major events
Annex B – Political organisations
Annex C – Prominent people
Annex D – List of abbreviations
Annex E – References to source material PDF page 5
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5
Preface
i This Country of Origin Information (COI) Report has been produced by the COI Service,
United Kingdom Border Agency (UKBA), for use by officials involved in the
asylum/human rights determination process. The Report provides general background
information about the issues most commonly raised in asylum/human rights claims
made in the United Kingdom. The main body of the report includes information available
up to 14 February 2011. The ‘Latest News’ section contains further brief information on
events and reports accessed from 14 Febr uary 2011 to 15 April 2011. The report was
issued on 15 April 2011.
ii The Report is compiled wholly from ma terial produced by a wide range of recognised
external information sources and does not c ontain any UKBA opini on or policy. All
information in the Report is attributed, th roughout the text, to the original source
material, which is made available to t hose working in the asylum/human rights
determination process.
iii The Report aims to provide a compilation of ex tracts from the source material identified,
focusing on the main issues raised in as ylum and human rights applications. In some
sections where the topics covered arise infrequently in asylum/human rights claims only
web links are provided. The Report is not intended to be a detailed or comprehensive
survey. For a more detailed account, the relevant source documents should be
examined directly.
iv The structure and format of the COI Report reflects the way it is used by UKBA decision
makers and appeals presenting officers, w ho require quick electronic access to
information on specific issues and use the c ontents page to go direct ly to the subject
required. Key issues are usually covered in some depth within a dedi cated section, but
may also be referred to briefly in several ot her sections. Some r epetition is therefore
inherent in the structure of the Report.
v The information included in this COI Report is limited to that which can be identified
from source documents. While every effort is made to cover all relevant aspects of a
particular topic, it is not al ways possible to obtain the info rmation concerned. For this
reason, it is important to note that information included in the Report should not be
taken to imply anything beyond what is actually st ated. For example, if it is stated that a
particular law has been passed, this should not be taken to imply that it has been
effectively implemented unless stated. Similarly, the absence of information does not
necessarily mean that a particular event or action, amongst other things, did or does not
occur.
vi As noted above, the Report is a compilat ion of extracts produced by a number of
reliable information sources. In compili ng the Report, no attempt has been made to
resolve discrepancies between information provided in different source documents
though COIS will bring the discrepancies together and aim to provide a range of
sources, where available, to ensure that a balanced picture is presented. For example,
different source documents often contain different versions of names and spellings of
individuals, places and political parties, etc. COI Reports do not aim to bring
consistency of spelling, but to reflect faithfully the spellings used in the original source
documents. Similarly, figures given in different source documents sometimes vary and
these are simply quoted as per the original text. The term ‘sic’ has been used in this PDF page 6
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ERITREA 15 APRIL 2011
6 The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 February 2011.
Further brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
document only to denote incorrect spellings or typographical errors in quoted text; its
use is not intended to imply any comment on the content of the material.
vii The Report is based substantially upon so urce documents issued during the previous
two years. However, some older source documents may have been included because
they contain relevant information not availa ble in more recent documents. All sources
contain information considered relevant at the time this Report was issued.
viii This COI Report and the accompanying s ource material are public documents. All
COI Reports are published on the RDS section of the Home Office website and the
great majority of the source material for the Report is readily available in the public
domain. Where the source documents identified in the Report ar e available in electronic
form, the relevant web link has been included, toget her with the date that the link was
accessed. Copies of less accessible sour ce documents, such as those provided by
government offices or subscription services, are available from the COI Service upon
request.
ix COI Reports are published regularly on the top 30 asylum intake countries. Reports on
countries outside the top 30 countries may al so be published if there is a particular
operational need. UKBA officials also have constant access to an information request
service for specific enquiries.
x In producing this COI Report, COI Service has sought to provide an accurate, balanced
summary of the available source material . Any comments regarding this Report or
suggestions for additional source material are very welcome and should be submitted to
UKBA as below.
Country of Origin Information Service
UK Border Agency
St Anne House
20-26 Wellesley Road
Croydon, CR0 9XB
United Kingdom
Email: cois@homeoffice.gsi.gov.uk
Website: http://www.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/policyandlaw/guidance/coi/
INDEPENDENT ADVISORY GROUP ON COUNTRY INFORMATION
xi The Independent Advisory Group on Country Information (IAGCI) was set up in March
2009 by the Chief Inspector of the UK Bord er Agency to make recommendations to him
about the content of the UKBA’s COI material. The IAGCI welcomes feedback on
UKBA’s COI Reports and other country of origin information material. Information about
the IAGCI’s work can be found on the Chief Inspector’s website at
http://www.ociukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/
xii In the course of its work, the IAGCI reviews the content of selected UKBA COI
documents and makes recommendations specific to those documents and of a more
general nature. A list of the COI Repor ts and other documents which have been
reviewed by the IAGCI or the Advisory Panel on Country Informat ion (the independent
organisation which monitored UKBA’s COI material from September 2003 to October
2008) is available at http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/ PDF page 7
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7
xiii Please note: it is not the function of the IAGCI to endorse any UKBA material or
procedures. Some of the material exam ined by the Group relates to countries
designated or proposed for designation to t he Non-Suspensive Appeals (NSA) list. In
such cases, the Group’s work should not be taken to imply any endorsement of the
decision or proposal to designate a particular country for NSA, nor of the NSA process
itself.
The IAGCI can be contacted at:
Independent Advisory Group on Country Information,
Independent Chief Inspector of the UK Border Agency
5th Floor, Globe House
89 Eccleston Square
London, SW1V 1PN
Email: chiefinspectorukba@icinspector.gsi.gov.uk
Website: http://icinspector.independent.gov.uk/country-information-reviews/
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Further brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
Latest News
EVENTS IN ERITREA FROM 14 FEBRUARY 2011 TO 15 APRIL 2011
THE LATEST NEWS PROVIDES A NON-EXHAUSTIVE SELECTION OF SIGNIFICANT EVENTS
SINCE 14 FEBRUARY 2011. FURTHER INFORMATION MAY ALSO BE AVAILABLE FROM THE
LIST OF USEFUL SOURCES BELOW.
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
6 March The Director General of Health Services at the Mi nistry of Health, Berhane
Gebretinsa'e, stated in an interview that: “Eritrea's remarkable achievement in
reducing infant and maternal mortality rates, as well as controlling
communicable diseases is a result of the strenuous efforts and substantial
investments made in the past 20 year s of independence,” and that “90% of
children receive the necessary vaccination at present - a figur e which stood at
merely 10% during independence - and ma ternal mortality rates have been
reduced from 1,000 per 100,000 during independence to 486 per 100,000
today.”
Shabait
Success Achieved in Reducing Infant and Maternal Mortality Rates Result of Strenuous Efforts
and Investment, 6 March 2011
http://allafrica.com/stories/201103070038.html
Date accessed 21 March 2011
31 March Release Eritrea reported on 31 Ma rch that: “Two Eritrean men were shot dead,
and three seriously wounded on the Israeli-Egyptian border in an incident that
involved more than 50 Eritrean ref ugees, including six women and a
child. Contacts in Egypt have raised concerns and made urgent requests for
assistance for medical treatment, alerting Release-Eritrea to three cases of
serious bullet injuries and two fatalities that occurred on the 13th of March 2011,
where Egyptian soldiers shot at Erit rean refugees crossing the border into
Israel.”
Release Eritrea
Two Eritreans were Shot Dead by Egyptian Border Patrols, 31 March 2011
http://www.asmarino.com/press-releases/979-two-eritreans-were-shot-dead-by-egyptian-border-
patrols-
Date accessed 7 April 2011
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9
USEFUL NEWS SOURCES FOR FURTHER INFORMATION
A list of news sources with Weblinks is provided below, which may be useful if additional up to
date information is required to supplement that provided in this report. The full list of sources
used in this report can be found in Annex E – References to source material.
AlertNet (Thomson Reuters) http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/index.htm?news=all
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) http://news.bbc.co.uk
Cable News Network (CNN) http://edition.cnn.com/WORLD/?fbid=i0gUtrVnUAy
Integrated Regional Information Networks (IRIN) http://www.irinnews.org/
Reuters http://www.reuters.com/
Voice of America (VoA) News http://www.voanews.com/english/news/
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Further brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
REPORTS ON ERITREA PUBLISHED OR ACCESSED BETWEEN 14 FEBRUARY 2011 AND
15 APRIL 2011
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
Committee to Protect Journalists
Attacks on the Press 2010, 15 February 2011
http://cpj.org/attacks_on_the_press_2010.pdf
Date accessed 22 February 2011
United States State Department
2010 Human Rights Report on Eritrea, 8 April 2011
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2010/af/154345.htm
Date accessed 11 April 2011
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11
Background Information
1. G EOGRAPHY
1.01 Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stated that:
“The State of Eritrea, which has a coastline on the Red Sea extending for almost
1,000 km, is bounded to the north-west by Sudan, to the south and west by Ethiopia,
and to the south-east by Djibouti. Its territory includes the Dahlak islands, a low-lying
coralline archipelago off shore from Massawa...the major language groups in Eritrea are
Afar, Bilien, Hedareb, Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, Tigre and Tigrinya. English is
rapidly becoming the language of business and is the medium of instruction at
secondary schools and at university. Arabic is also widely spoken. The population is
fairly evenly divided between Tigrinya-speaking Christians (mainly Orthodox), the
traditional inhabitants of the highlands, and the Muslim communities of the western
lowlands, northern highlands and east coast; there are also systems of traditional belief
adhered to by a small number of the population…the capital is Asmara.” [24] (Eritrea
Country Profile)
1.02 As regards the total popul ation of Eritrea, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World
Factbook section on Eritrea (updated 12 January 201 1) stated that Er itrea has a total
population of 5,647,168 (July 2010 est.). [1]. The United States State Department
Background Note on Eritrea (updated 22 October 2010), also stated that the estimated
population of Eritrea in 2010 was 5.6 million. [3a]. The BBC Country Profile on Eritrea
(updated 30 November 2010), however, stated that Eritrea has a to tal population of 5.2
million (figure obtained from a United Nations source). [25b]. The WorldStat.info website
(accessed on 18 February 2011) stat ed that Eritrea had a population of 5.07 million in
2009. [75]. Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stated that the estimated
population in 2010 was 5,223,994. [24] (Eritrea Country Statistics)
See also Ethnic groups for details of ethnic demographics.
1.03 In the Festivals and Public Holidays in Eritrea section of the www.eritrea.be website,
(accessed on 13 December 2010), the followin g days are listed as Eritrean public
holidays in 2011:
Date Name of public holiday
1 January New Year’s Day
7 January Leddet (Geez Christmas)
19 January Timket (Epiphany)
10 February Liberation of Massawa (Operation Fenkil)
8 March International Women’s Day
22 April Good Friday
24 April Tensae (Easter) PDF page 12
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1 May International Labour Day
16-24 May Independence Day festivities (one week)
24 May Independence Day
29 May Festival of Mariam Dearit (Keren)
20 June Martyr’s Day
28 June Mariam Debre Sina
30 July - 7 August Festival Eritrea Asmara Expo (one week)
11 August Debre Bizen Abune Libanos
1 September Anniversary of the Start of the Armed Struggle
11 September Keddus Yohannes (Geez New Year)
27 September Meskel (Finding of the True Cross)
11 November Nidget of Saint Georghis Orthodox Church
(Gejeret)
21 November Nidget Saint Michaels Orthodox Church
(Tseserat)
30 November Nidget Enda Mariam Orthodox Cathedral
25 December Christmas Day
[12a]
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MAP
1.04 Map of Eritrea showing the main towns and cities.
Weblink to the above map:
http://www.infoplease.com/atlas/country/eritrea.html#axzz0zbwhqfLr [4]
More maps of Eritrea can be accessed using the following weblinks:
http://www.zim24travel.com/images/maps/eritrea.jpg
http://www.geschichteinchronologie.ch/afrika/kol/Eritrea-Munzinger-d/012-karte-Eritrea.gif
http://3.bp.blogspot.com/_NE-72ZXux-
g/RtQTj99dN8I/AAAAAAAABec/craeyVaslGk/s320/eritrea.gif
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2. E CONOMY
2.01 Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stated t hat the national currency is the
Nakfa. [24] (Eritrea - Business and Commerce) . The XE Universal Currency Converter website
(accessed on 20 September 2010) stated that, at the official rate, one American dollar is
equivalent to 15 Nakfas; one Euro is equivalent to 19.6 Nakfas , and that one British
pound is equivalent to 23.34 Nakfas. [26]
2.02 The United States State Department Background Note on Eritrea (updated 22 October
2010) stated that Eritrea’s economy is largel y based on agriculture, which involves 80
per cent of the working popu lation, and contributed 24 per cent to the GDP (2007);
worker remittances and other private transfers from abroad contribute 32 per cent to the
GDP. Eritrea has a real GDP of US$1.87 billion (2009 estimate) with an annual growth
rate of 3.6 per cent (2009 estimate), and a per capita income (in 2008) of US$640
(Purchasing Power Parity). The average inflation rate is 18% (2008 estimate). [3a]
2.03 The Heritage Foundation’s (a conservative public policy institute) 2011 Index of
Economic Freedom, published on 12 January 2011, provided an analysis of Eritrea’s
economy:
“Eritrea’s economic freedom score is 36.7, [100 is the highest score] making its
economy one of the least free in the 2011 Index. Its overall score is 1.4 points higher
than last year, reflecting some improvements in its ratings for government spending,
business freedom, and labor freedom. Eritrea is ranked 45th out of the 46 countries in
the Sub-Saharan Africa region.
“Eritreans have suffered substantial losses of economic freedom in recent years.
Afflicted by poor economic management and structural problems that severely
undermine private-sector development, the country lags in productivity growth and
dynamism and, consequently, in economic growth as well. Long-standing structural
problems include poor public finance management and underdeveloped legal and
regulatory frameworks.
“Poor governance and the lack of commitment to structural reforms continue to hamper
economic freedom. Investment freedom, financial freedom, property rights, and freedom
from corruption are extraordinarily weak. Monetary stability remains fragile, and inflation
is very high, largely reflecting excessive money creation to fund fiscal deficits. Arbitrary
taxation, poor infrastructure, marginal enforcement of property rights, and weak rule of
law have driven many people and enterprises into the informal sector…inflation has
been out of control, averaging 28.8 percent between 2007 and 2009. The government
uses the military and party-owned businesses to implement its development agenda
and strictly controls the use of foreign currency. Few private enterprises remain. The
diversion of manpower and government funds away from peacetime economic activities
is expected to continue…Eritrea remains a strict command economy, eliminating most
private investment. Large-scale projects must be approved by the appropriate minister
or the Office of the President. The government has selectively and narrowly courted
foreign investors to explore underexploited resources in mineral extraction, energy,
fisheries, and tourism. Regulatory procedures are haphazard and irregularly
enforced…Eritrea’s financial system remains poorly developed, and government
interference is significant. High credit costs and scarce access to financing severely
impede private investment and economic growth. All banks are majority-owned by the
state, and private-sector involvement in the financial system remains limited.” [65] PDF page 15
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15
See also Humanitarian issues for further details on the government’s response to food
shortages.
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3. H ISTORY
This section provides a brie f history of the country from British control in 1949 to May
2010, with the focus on the last 15 years. For further information, see the United States
State Department Background Note on Eritrea [3a], and the Foreign Office Country
Profile on Eritrea [10d].
FROM BRITISH RULE TO NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE (1949 TO 1993)
3.01 The Global Security website, undated, accessed on 6 January 2011, provided the
following information about Eritrea’s struggle for independence:
“Following World War II, Eritrea was placed under British military administration and
beginning in 1949, administered it as a trust territory of the United Nations. In 1950 the
UN decided that Eritrea should become a part of a federated Ethiopia, who had long
been trying to attain the territory with its vast Red Sea coast. In 1962 Eritrea decided to
end the federation and completely unify with Ethiopia. However, this was not a position
that all Eritreans agreed on and those who opposed the union began to fight limited
guerrilla warfare and the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was founded. Initially, the ELF
was more nationalist and Islamic and received aid from Iraq and Syria, although as
more Christians began to join the ELF became increasingly anti-capitalist. Internal
divisions within the ELF led to the creation of the rival Eritrean People's Liberation Front
(EPLF) in 1972, led by Osman Salah Sabbe, the former head of the Muslim League.
“After Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown in a military coup in 1974 the
EPLF and ELF united against the Ethiopian government. There was a marked increase
in fighting and by 1976 the united Eritrean forces had pushed virtually all government
forces out of Eritrea. There was yet another division within the Eritrean opposition as
Osman broke from the EPLF and formed the Eritrean Liberation Front-Popular
Liberation Front (ELF-PLF), a move that reflected personal rivalries and ideological
divisions. The Ethiopians however could benefit from the massive amounts of aid and
troops given to them by the Soviet Union and Cuba, and with this help the Ehtiopians
[sic] were able to defeat the Eritreans in 1978. It was not a total victory for the Ethiopian
forces and there was a return to more limited guerrilla warfare where neither side was
really able to take control. There was continued fighting between the guerrillas and
government forces throughout the 1980s, but eventually the guerrillas were able to gain
the upper hand, scoring several key victories against Ethiopian forces.
”In 1991 the rebels captured the Eritrean capital of Asmara and the ports, which
essentially gave them full control of Eritrea. Soon after the UN scheduled a referendum
on Eritrean independence which was approved by an overwhelming margin. The main
leader of the EPLF, Isaias Afwerki, became the new country's first president.” [59]
3.02 Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stated: PDF page 16
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“Following the liberation of Asmara by the EPLF [in May 1991], and of Addis Ababa by
the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), a conference was
convened in London, United Kingdom, in August 1991. Both the USA and the Ethiopian
delegation accepted the EPLF administration as the legitimate provisional Government
of Eritrea, and the EPLF agreed to hold a referendum on independence in 1993. The
provisional Government, which was to administer Eritrea during the two years prior to
the referendum, drew most of its members from the EPLF. The Government struggled
to rehabilitate and develop Eritrea’s war-torn economy and infrastructure, and to feed a
population largely dependent on food aid. The agricultural sector had been severely
disrupted by the war, and urban economic activity was almost non-existent.” [24] (Eritrea -
Historical Context)
3.03 The United Nations super vised a referendum on independe nce in April 1993, with a
99.8 per cent vote of Eritreans in fav our of independence. The date chosen for
Independence Day was 24 May (anniversary of the liberation of Asmara), and on 28
May 1993, the state of Eritrea was formally granted international recognition. Three
institutions were set up to govern the state - the Consultative Council, the National
Assembly, and the judiciary. One of the National Assembly’s first acts was the election
of Isaias Afewerki, the leader of the EPLF, as President and Head of State. [24] (Eritrea -
Historical Context) (Europa World, accessed on 4 February 2011)
DOMESTIC POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS (1991 TO 1997)
3.04 A German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA ) academic paper about the
national service programme by Nicole Hirt, dated January 2010, stated:
“In November 1991 the provisional government of Eritrea, formerly the Eritrea People’s
Liberation Front (EPLF), introduced a mandatory national service (Proclamation
18/1991) for all Eritreans, male and female, aged 18 to 40. Initially, this service included
six months of military training and 12 months of work on reconstruction and
development projects.” [67]
3.05 The Eritrea section (2 9 June 2009 update) of the War Resisters International website,
accessed on 13 January 2011, st ated that “...until May 1994, the 1991 decree was not
implemented”, and that “…the 1991 Decree was initially revised (D ecree 71/1995), but
later replaced with the 23 October 1995 Decree on national service.” [64]
See also National service for further details.
3.06 Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stat ed that, in February 1994, the EPLF
became a political party called the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). In
March 1994, the Consultative Council was replaced with a State Council, and the
National Assembly was reconstituted to in clude 75 members of the PFDJ Central
Committee, and 75 directly elected member s. A Constitutional Committee of 58
members (50 of these members were government appointees) was set up to reorganise
the country administratively. [24] (Eritrea - Domestic Political Affairs)
3.07 The Travel documents systems website (accessed on 6 January 2011) provided the
following information:
“In March 1994, the PGE [Provisional Government of Eritrea] created a constitutional
commission charged with drafting a constitution flexible enough to meet the current PDF page 17
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needs of a population suffering from 30 years of civil war as well as those of the future,
when prospective stability and prosperity would change the political landscape.
Commission members traveled throughout the country and to Eritrean communities
abroad holding meetings to explain constitutional options to the people and to solicit
their input. A new constitution was ratified in 1997 but has not been implemented, and
general elections have not been held.” [60]
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INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS (1998 TO MAY 2010)
3.08 Regarding Eritrea’s bor der conflict with Ethiopia, the United Kingdom Foreign and
Commonwealth Office Country Profile on Eritrea (updated 28 April 2010), stated that:
“A dispute over the ill-defined border with Ethiopia flared into military conflict in May
1998. There were an estimated 100,000 casualties. Hostilities concluded with the
signing of the Algiers Peace Agreement of December 2000. This established the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) to delimit and demarcate the border and
established a 25km Temporary Security Zone (TSZ) between the 2 countries. A UN
peacekeeping force (UNMEE) was deployed along the TSZ in 2001. Following
restrictions placed on UNMEE activities and staff by the Eritrean Government the UN
Security Council formally terminated UNMEE’s mandate in July 2008.
“The EEBC announced its decision on the border on 13 April 2002. Demarcation was
due to follow in 2003. However, when it became clear that the town of Badme (where
the hostilities started) had been awarded to Eritrea, Ethiopia challenged the EEBC's
conclusions. In 2004 Ethiopia announced its acceptance ‘in principle’ of the EEBC
ruling. In 2007 Ethiopia then stated its acceptance of the EEBC’s decision ‘without
precondition’ but has said relations need to be normalised between the two sides before
the decision should be implemented. The international community continues its efforts
to keep the peace process on track by underlining that the EEBC decision is final and
binding and by urging both governments to engage in political dialogue. Unable to
physically demarcate the border on the ground the EEBC instead issued a ‘virtual
demarcation’ showing where the boundary posts should be placed.” [10d]
3.09 More up-to-date information was provided in a United Kingdom Parliament 2009 briefing
paper on Ethiopia:
“The situation [regarding the border dispute] remains fundamentally unchanged since
mid 2008, when the [UN] Security Council terminated the UN mission that had been
operating on both sides of the border. There are still hundreds of thousands of troops
facing each other in the border area. It is effectively a ‘frozen conflict’. Both parties
accuse the other, in pursuit of ‘regime change’, of providing political and military support
to rebel groups operating on their territories…i n recent months, UN involvement in the
border dispute has been limited to the August 2009 final and legally binding ruling of the
Eritrea-Ethiopia Claims Commission (EECC), a body established under the 2000 Algiers
peace agreement to arbitrate conflicting claims for compensation for violations of
international humanitarian law committed by both parties in the course of the war. The
Commission blamed Eritrea for starting the war and awarded a slightly larger sum to
Ethiopia (the outstanding differential is $10 million). In a moderately hopeful sign, both
parties accepted the ruling of the Commission.” [61] PDF page 18
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3.10 The period around September 2001 was a key crisis point in Eritrean history after the
1998-2000 war. The United St ates State Department Background Note on Eritrea (22
October 2010 version), summarised the situation:
“In September 2001, after several months in which a number of prominent PFDJ party
members had publicly aired grievances against the government and in which they called
for implementation of the constitution and the holding of elections, the government
instituted a crackdown. Eleven prominent dissidents, members of what had come to be
known as the Group of 15, were arrested and held without charge in an unknown
location. At the same time, the government shut down the independent press and
arrested its reporters and editors, holding them incommunicado and without charge. In
subsequent weeks, the government arrested other individuals, including two Eritrean
employees of the U.S. Embassy.” [3a]
3.11 University students were also arrested in September 2001, as reported in a Human
Rights Watch press release dated 21 September 2001:
“The recent clampdown on civil society and critical political voices was reportedly
triggered by an increasingly tense standoff between the government and university
students demanding greater academic freedom and social liberties, particularly the
publication last week in a private newspaper of a long diary of a student on a forced
summer work program.
“Students at the University of Asmara, the only one in the country, had joined in
criticizing the government by demanding better treatment from the government and
consultation on matters that concern them. The summer work program is mandatory for
University of Asmara students, who are allowed to defer their national military service
until after graduation. This year [2001], the students protested the appalling conditions
of previous camps. On July 31 [2001], the police arrested the president of the Asmara
University student council, Semere Kesete, a day after he publicly announced that
students would not enroll in the summer program unless certain reforms were carried
out. He remains in jail without charge.
“When students tried to protest his arrest at his court appearance on August 10 [2001],
four hundred of them were rounded up and sent to the work program in Wia, a desert
camp near the Red Sea port of Massawa, in a region where daytime temperatures
hover about 100 degrees Fahrenheit (38 degrees Celsius). The government accused
the students, who were not charged, of ‘unruly behavior’ and ‘unlawful acts.’ Following
the forcible transfer of the arrested students to Wia, 1700 others ‘voluntarily’ joined them
there, according to the government. The government acknowledged that two students
died of heatstroke during the past month, but attributed the loss to ‘lack of adequate
logistical support’ at the camp. There were reports that a number of other students were
taken for treatment from heat exhaustion in closed military hospitals, and some may
have died.” [29a]
3.12 The NGO Open Doors Internatio nal reported in April 2009 that:
“In May 2002, the Eritrean government ordered all unregistered religious
communities to close their places of worship and stop practicing their faith until they
were registered. They had to apply for registration with the Department for Religious
Affairs in the Office of the President in accordance with the 1995 Proclamation PDF page 19
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regarding legally elucidating and regulating of religious activities and religions
declaration NO 73/1995, the full implementation of which had been delayed.” [62]
See also Freedom of religion for more information about the impact of this.
3.13 A German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) academic paper about the
national service programme by Nicole Hirt, dated January 2010, stated:
“In summer 2002 the government announced the so-called Warsay Yikealo
Development Campaign [WYDC]. The younger generation is referred to as warsay,
meaning ‘inheritor’ or ‘follower,’ While yikealo denotes a wise elderly person, a term the
government uses explicitly for the fighter generation. The younger generation is
supposed to follow in the footsteps of the former fighters by internalizing and practicing
the values of self-sacrifice, hard work and dedication to the Eritrean nation in the form of
unlimited and unpaid service. The introduction of the WYDC meant de facto that the
national service was no longer limited to 18 months (as a matter of fact, all those
remobilized in 1998 had already spent years in the military) but rather became open-
ended.” [67]
For more information on National service, please see the section of the same name.
3.14 Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stated:
“During 2004 several parties took steps to form a viable opposition movement to the
PFDJ. In February, following talks in Germany, the EPLF - DP announced that it would
reform as the Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP), under the continued leadership of
Mesfin Hagos. In May numerous former members of the ELF and the PFDJ combined
to establish the Eritrean Popular Movement (EPM). In August two new coalitions were
formed; the first united the EPM and four smaller parties under the umbrella of the
Eritrean National Alliance (ENA), while the second brought the EDP, the ELF and the
Eritrean Liberation Front - Revolutionary Council together. In late December
representatives of these two alliances met in Khartoum, Sudan, for talks with the
Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, and the Sudanese President, Omar Hassan
Ahmad al-Bashir, aimed at settling issues surrounding the border conflict with Ethiopia
...in 2004 the ENA was reorganized as the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA) and in
January 2005 Hiruy Tedla Bairu was elected leader of the coalition. In January 2008 the
11 opposition parties comprising the EDA met in Addis Ababa to consolidate the
alliance after divisions had emerged in the previous year. Two additional parties were
admitted to the coalition: the Eritrean Islamic Congress and the Eritrean People's
Movement.
“Hopes that national legislative elections would finally take place were raised in 2004 as
elections to the regional assemblies were held in May with some 92% of registered
voters casting their ballots.” [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
3.15 Amnesty International r eported on 9 November 2004 t hat some prisoners who had
made an apparent attempt to escape from Ad i Abeto military pris on had been shot and
killed by soldiers. Wounded prisoners were taken to hospital and were held
incommunicado under military guard. Conditions in the prison in general were reported
to be very poor and prisoners were reportedly ill-treated. [6g] PDF page 20
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3.16 A report published in the IOL website (South African online news service), dated 12
June 2008, provided information about a bor der dispute clash between Eritrea and
Djibouti that took place in June 2008:
“Border clashes between Eritrea and Djibouti have killed nine Djiboutian soldiers and
wounded 60 others in three days of fighting between the Horn of Africa nations, a
defence official said on Thursday [12 June 2008].
“In the first fighting since the mid-1990s between two of Africa's smallest states, Eritrean
and Djiboutian troops have exchanged fire along a part of their shared border
overlooking strategic shipping lanes in the Red Sea.
“Djibouti hosts French and US military bases and is the main route to the sea for
Eritrea's arch-foe Ethiopia.
“Africa's youngest nation, Eritrea has fractious ties with the West, which accuses it of
backing Somali insurgents and impeding UN peacekeepers on the Ethiopia
border…Djiboutian state media said the Re d Sea state had captured 100 Eritrean
prisoners.
“There was, however, no independent verification of events from the remote border area
that has long been a source of tension between the two countries…the fighting along
the Djibouti-Eritrea border broke out in the Mount Gabla area, also known as Ras
Doumeira, which straddles the Bab al-Mandib straits.” [63]
3.17 Assenna reported on 14 August 2009 that President Afewerki had escaped an
assassination attempt on 13 August 2009. Acco rding to the report, members of the
Eritrean Defence Forces tried to kill the president while he was travelling in his car but
failed. A former freedom fighter, Daniel Habte Yihdego, who was involved in the
assassination plot, was killed after an ex change of gunfire wit h the president’s
bodyguards. [31b]
3.18 A United Nations (UN) press release, dat ed 24 December 2009, provided details about
a UN Security Council resolution concerning Eritrea:
“[The UN Security Council is] Gravely concerned about findings that Eritrea had
provided support to armed groups undermining peace and reconciliation in Somalia and
that it had not withdrawn its forces following clashes with Djibouti in June 2008, the
Security Council today [24 December 2009] imposed an arms embargo on that country,
in addition to travel restrictions on and a freeze on the assets of its political and military
leaders.
“Adopting resolution 1907 (2009) by a vote of 13 in favour to 1 against (Libya), with 1
abstention (China) under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, the Council
reiterated its demand that Eritrea withdraw its forces to the positions of the status quo
ante in the area where its conflict with Djibouti had occurred, acknowledge its border
dispute and cooperate fully with the Secretary-General’s good offices. It further
demanded that the country cease all efforts to destabilize or overthrow, directly or
indirectly, the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia.
“The Council demanded that all States, in particular Eritrea, cease arming, training and
equipping armed groups and their members, including Al-Shabaab, which aimed to PDF page 21
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21
destabilize the region or incite violence and civil strife in Djibouti. It further demanded
that Eritrea cease facilitating travel and other forms of financial support to individuals or
entities designated by the Committee established pursuant to resolution 751 (1992)
regarding Somalia and other sanctions committees, in particular the Committee
established pursuant to resolution 1267 (1999) regarding Al?Qaida and the Taliban.
“Imposing an embargo on arms and associated materiel to and from Eritrea, the Council
called upon all States to inspect all cargo to and from Somalia and Eritrea, and upon
discovery of prohibited items, to seize and dispose of them. It decided that travel
restrictions and an asset freeze should apply to individuals, including but not limited to,
the Eritrean political and military leadership, so designated by the Committee on
Somalia Sanctions, as well as to governmental and parastatal actors and entities
privately owned by Eritrean nationals living within or outside Eritrean territory, so
designated by the same Committee. Also by the text, the Council expanded the
Committee’s mandate to undertake those additional tasks, as well as that of the
Monitoring Group assisting the Committee.” [56]
3.19 Asmarino reported on 17 January 2010 that t here had been a reshuffling of government
personnel. Officials who had previously been si delined (“frozen”) were placed in new
government posts (“reactivated”). The report stated that:
“The reshufflings are not confined to individuals; administrative regions are not spared
either. In Eritrea, there are not only civilian administrative zobas but also military
administrative regions, the latter superimposed on the former. This superimposition is
made with the intention of giving the military the upper hand in administrative matters
that even concerns civilians. There used to be five such military administrative regions.
Now they have been collapsed into three: the Red Sea area (North and South) into one;
Maekel and Debub into another one, and Gash-Barka and Anseba into yet another
one.” [68a]
3.20 An Awate report, dated 9 May 2010, stat ed that “on May 4, 2010, eight member
organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA), an umbrella organization of
Eritrean opposition forces, signed a memorandum of under standing to unify their
military wings under one command.” The sign atories were the Eritrean Federal
Democratic Movement (EFDM), Eritrean Is lamic Party for Justice and Development
(EIPJD), Eritrean Liberati on Front (ELF), Eritrean Pe ople’s Congress (EPC),
Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrean Kunama (D MLEK), Red Sea Afar
Democratic Organization (RSADO), Eritrean National Salvation Fr ont (ENSF), and the
Eritrean People’s Democratic Front (EPDF). Two additiona l member organisations of
the EDA - the Eritrean Islamic Congress (EIC) and the Eritrean Nahda Party (Nahda),
which do not have military wings, agreed wi th the memorandum of understanding, in
principle. [27k]
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4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (JUNE 2010 TO FEBRUARY 2011)
4.01 The United Nations News Service repor ted on 9 June 2010 that a border dispute
between Eritrea and Djibouti had been resolved:
“Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon today [9 June 2010] welcomed the agreement signed
by Eritrea and Djibouti to resolve their two-year border dispute through a negotiated
settlement.
“Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Djibouti's President Ismail Omar Guelleh signed
the agreement on Sunday [6 June 2010] in a deal reached under the auspices of Qatar
and its Emir, Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa al-Thani.
“ ‘The Secretary-General is encouraged by this positive development, which he believes
will contribute to long-term peace and stability in the Horn of Africa region,’ he said in a
statement issued by his spokesperson in which he also voiced deep appreciation for the
Qatari Emir's mediation efforts.
“The agreement entrusts Qatar with establishing a mechanism for the resolution of the
border dispute and the normalization of relations between the two countries.
“The deal ends the dispute that erupted in early 2008 when, following weeks of tensions
and military build-up, the two countries' armed forces clashed over an un-demarcated
area in the Red Sea known as Doumeira, killing 35 people and leaving dozens of others
wounded.
“In January 2009 the Security Council adopted a resolution demanding that Eritrea pull
its forces from the disputed area and cooperate with diplomatic initiatives, and welcoming
Djibouti's withdrawal of its forces to its positions before the dispute.” [54b]
4.02 Asmarino reported on 28 Oc tober 2010 that an Er itrean National Conference for
Democratic Change had taken place from 31 July to 9 August 2010 in Addis Ababa.
A new organisation called the Eritrean Nati onal Commission for Democratic Change was
set up. One of the aims of the new Commissi on is to bring the various elements of the
Eritrean political opposition together to form a more united opposition against the
Eritrean regime. [68d]
4.03 The United Nations News Se rvice reported on 29 September 2010 that:
“Ethiopia today [29 September 2010] accused Eritrea of continuing to undermine efforts
to restore peace and stability in Somalia by arming insurgents battling the transitional
Government in Mogadishu and urged the Security Council to strictly enforce existing
sanctions against Eritrea.
“ ‘Despite the sanctions, Eritrea is still the principal architect of the complicated situation
in Somalia by training, arming and nurturing the extremist elements such as Al Shabaab
and Hisbul Islam who are causing havoc in the country today,’ Ethiopia’s Foreign
Minister Seyoum Mesfin said in his statement to the General Assembly’s high-level
debate.
“In a resolution in January last year [2009], the Council imposed an arms embargo on
Eritrea and a travel ban and an assets freeze on Eritrean political and military leaders PDF page 23
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who violated the embargo or provided support to armed opposition groups destabilizing
Somalia.
“The resolution followed a request by the regional Intergovernmental Authority on
Development (IGAD) and the African Union (AU) for the Council to take such action.
“ ‘The time, therefore, is long overdue for the Security Council to take resolute action and
see to it that its decisions are complied with if we are to maintain the integrity of the
decisions of our organizations,’ Mr. Mesfin said.” [54a]
4.04 The Sudan Tribune newspaper reported on 17 Decem ber 2010 that the African Union’s
Panel of the Wise, at its 9th assembly in Algiers had urged a “launch for a new and
binding peace process to resolve the l ong-standing border row between Ethiopia and
Eritrea.” The Sudan Tribune report explained that the “African Union’s Panel of the Wise
held from December 12-14 expressed concerns over the stalled border crises saying a
lasting solution was needed. The panel urged t he chairperson of the commission to
envisage useful initiatives to help the countries resolve the outstanding issues and work
towards the normalization of relations.” The Sudan Tribune report further stated that the
“panel encouraged the African Union (both the AU Commi ssion and the Peace and
Security Council) and the Regional Mechan isms for Conflict Prevention, Management
and Resolution to continue and intensify thei r efforts towards the resolution of [the]
current crisis and the consolidation of peace where it has been restored.” [57b]
For more recent news reports on Eritrea, refer to the following weblinks: BBC News ;
Reuters; All Africa; Afrol News, and Africa Online.
See also Latest news
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5. C ONSTITUTION
5.01 The United Stat es State Department Background Note on Eritrea , published on 22
October 2010, noted that the constitution of Eritrea was ratified on 24 May 1997 but has
not yet been implemented. [3a]
5.02 The Eritrean Constitution guar antees fundamental human rights such as the right to life,
liberty, freedom of movement, freedom of relig ion, freedom of speech, right to vote in
elections, and right to a fair trial. Under th e constitution, “all persons are equal before
the law” and “no person may be discriminated against on account of race, ethnic origin,
language, colour, sex, religion, disability, political belief or opinion, or social or economic
status or any other factors.” The constitution also contains provisions relating to how the
executive, legislature, and judiciary are organised and fu nction. National unity,
participation in national service and patriotism in general is emphasised. [41]
(Constitutionnet.org)
Link to Eritrean constitution:
http://www.constitutionnet.org/files/Eritrea%20Constitution.pdf
See also Political system and Judiciary PDF page 24
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6. P OLITICAL SYSTEM
6.01 The United Stat es State Department Background Note on Eritrea , published on 22
October 2010, stated that:
“The present government structure includes legislative, executive, and judicial bodies.
The legislature, the Transitional National Assembly, comprises 75 members of the
PFDJ and 75 additional popularly elected members. The Transitional National Assembly
is the highest legal power in the government until the establishment of a democratic,
constitutional government. The legislature sets the internal and external policies of the
government, regulates implementation of those policies, approves the budget, and
elects the president of the country. The president nominates individuals to head the
various ministries, authorities, commissions, and offices, and the Transitional National
Assembly ratifies those nominations. The cabinet is the country's executive branch. It is
composed of 17 ministers and chaired by the president. It implements policies,
regulations, and laws and is accountable to the Transitional National Assembly. The
ministries are agriculture; defense; education; energy and mines; finance; fisheries;
foreign affairs; health; information; labor and human welfare; land, water, and
environment; local governments; justice; public works; trade and industry; transportation
and communication; and tourism.” [3a]
6.02 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided a detailed analysis of the political system:
“The PFDJ is the sole legal political movement and has dominated public and private
life. At first glance, there is no distinction between party and state. However, the party is
only one element of an amorphous apparatus centred on the president’s office. The
PFDJ funded the war effort, as the government lacked resources. The party rather than
government ministries inherited the EPLF legacy and its financial and moral capital, but
it is only as important as the president allows at any given time. Since independence,
and especially since 2001, his favour has alternated between the party and the army.
Creating rivalry between the two institutions for Isaias’s favour is one of the strategies
deployed by the Office of the President to maintain its importance.
“EPLF/PFDJ members dominate state institutions. From the early 1990s, all the main
ministries - defence, interior, education, health, labour - have been headed by leading
ex-fighters. Many of the lower rungs in the administrative structure have likewise been
occupied by tegadelay [“EPLF fighter” (Tigrinyan)]. Posts were reserved for ex-fighters,
and only exceptionally - notably in the banking sector - were key figures brought in who
had not seen combat. It was axiomatic that there was no job - technical, commercial or
administrative - that an ex-fighter could not do. This created a gulf between ex-
combatants and everyone else, for whom there were relatively few opportunities. An
independent, professional civil service is virtually non-existent, and those who work in
the lower levels of an increasingly stultifying bureaucracy are demoralised, underpaid
and inadequately trained. Civilians predominate in only a few areas, such as teaching.
The university was led by a nonfighter between the mid-1990s and early 2000s and for
a time was harnessed to the nation-building process, but as a key institution that is
potentially a seedbed for alternative views, it has never been trusted. PDF page 25
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“Even before the crackdown, the president frequently rotated ministers. Individuals who
were out of favour were sidelined in largely meaningless posts. Today, those who
criticise or question presidential edicts are ‘frozen’ from their posts for lengthy periods,
permitted to do little but collect their salaries and not much else. Few of the early
leaders remain in high public office, and the country is mostly run by second- or even
third-tier revolutionaries or close associates of the president. Moreover, there is often
duplication of responsibilities, with the president creating what are in effect shadow
ministries; run by people who report to him directly, while the official ministry is left to
compete for attention. Isaias increasingly appoints malleable individuals who lack a
sense of direction or even discernible abilities but are eager to do his bidding.”
[18] (page 8)
6.03 Although no national elections have ta ken place since independence, local and regional
elections have been organised. Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) noted
that regional assembly elections took place in May 2004. A total of 92 per cent of those
registered to vote voted in these elections. [24] (Eritrea - Domestic Political Affairs) . The
Freedom House Countries at the Crossroads 2007 report, published in September
2007, stated that:
“Over the past decade and a half, Eritrea has conducted regional and local elections
with balloting open to men and women of all religious and ethnic backgrounds, but no
forms of new political organization, such as independent parties or caucuses within the
PFDJ, have been permitted. All voting for local public office has been conducted in town
meeting-style sessions presided over by PFDJ cadres. Campaigns are not permitted, as
there are no legal organizations to put them together, apart from those run by the
government. Individuals are not allowed to set up organized political operations during
PFDJ-run elections. Public discussion prior to elections is centered on the character of
the candidates and their loyalty to the ruling party. There is no debate over policy
options or initiatives in public forums and no outlet for new proposals or critiques of
existing policies…as there are no legal parti es in Eritrea apart from the PFDJ, and as
there have been no national elections of any kind, no rotation of power has been or is
likely to be possible.” [9b]
See also Political affiliation; Women - political rights; Constitution
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Human Rights
7. I NTRODUCTION
7.01 The United States State Department 2 009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“Human rights abuses included abridgement of citizens' right to change their
government through a democratic process; unlawful killings by security forces; torture
and beating of prisoners, sometimes resulting in death; abuse and torture of national
service evaders, some of whom reportedly died from their injuries while in detention;
harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention, including of
national service evaders and their family members; executive interference in the
judiciary and the use of a special court system to limit due process; and infringement on
privacy rights, including roundups of young men and women for national service, and
the arrest and detention of the family members of service evaders. The government
severely restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and religion. The
government also limited freedom of movement and travel for citizens in the national
service, foreign residents, employees of diplomatic missions, the UN, and humanitarian
and development agencies. Restrictions continued on the activities of nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
Female genital mutilation (FGM) was widespread, and societal abuse and discrimination
against women, members of the Kunama ethnic group, homosexuals, and persons with
HIV/AIDS were problems. There were limitations on worker rights, including forced
labor.” [3b] (Introduction)
7.02 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report, published on 24 January 2011,
summarised the human rights situation in Eritrea:
“By any measure, the unelected government of President Afewerki is oppressive. It
allows no space for individual autonomy in any sphere - political, economic, or religious.
Arbitrary arrests, torture, and forced labor are rampant. Rule by fiat is the norm. The
Eritrean government refuses to implement a constitution approved in 1997 containing
civil and human rights provisions. Many Eritreans conclude that they can avoid
oppression only by fleeing the country at risk to their lives.
“Thousands of Eritreans are incarcerated without charge, trial, or opportunity to appeal.
They are denied access to lawyers or family. The government release no information
about numbers of prisoners, their places of confinement, whether they remain alive, or
why they are being held. Many detainees simply ‘disappear’.” [29b] (p1)
See also Human rights violations by government forces; Exit and return
7.03 The Freedom House Freedom in the World 2010 report, published on 3 May 2010,
stated:
“The government of Eritrea intensified its suppression of human rights in 2009, using
arbitrary arrests and an onerous conscription system to control the population. Religious
minorities faced particular pressure from the authorities, who continued to use a pliant
judicial system to detain political prisoners indefinitely. Meanwhile, Eritrea defied a UN
Security Council resolution instructing it to withdraw its troops from the disputed border
with Djibouti following clashes between the two countries’ armies in 2008.” [9a] PDF page 27
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27
7.04 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided an analysis of the general human rights situation:
“Eritrea can aptly be described as a prison state, without rule of law or independent
judiciary and where the legal process is routinely ignored, and internal security is ever
more oppressive and ubiquitous. The government has long demonstrated a cavalier
attitude toward the law, including the safeguards critical to protection of civil society.
From the early 1990s, the police were deliberately given excessive power, with no
checks or monitors to curb them. State security targets suspect groups with relative
impunity. One is Jehovah’s Witnesses, whose members refused to acknowledge the
earthly kingdom being created by the EPLF, so did not participate in the 1993
referendum and refuse national service. To the EPLF, this renders them non-citizens
and a legitimate target. The legal system functions primarily to bring dissenters to heel,
without a formal legal code. Judges are not independent and are closely monitored.
Moreover, the legal profession, like the enfeebled civil service, suffers from a chronic
lack of skills and training…t he government has become extremely suspicious of the
outside world and paranoid about any Eritrean associated with ‘external influences’ and
not fully committed to the ‘national cause’. Enemies of the state and ‘non-citizens’ are
seen to come in many guises. In addition to that of the Jehovah’s Witnesses, the
persecution of Pentecostal Christians has escalated dramatically in recent years.
Internal security forces monitor, harass and routinely detain those identified as
practising ‘illegal’ faiths. The state recognises as legal faiths only the Lutheran Church,
Orthodox Christianity, Roman Catholicism and Islam. All others are regarded as
dangerous, unpatriotic and ‘foreign’. Muslims belonging to new, unrecognised groups
are likewise targeted, as are followers of the Bahai faith.
“Others who are jailed include, failed asylum seekers, businessmen and merchants
suspected of hoarding goods or otherwise engaging in black market activities,
journalists who have been critical or are suspected of being potential critics and a range
of political dissidents, real or imagined, including those who in 2000-2002 expressed
misgivings about the government. Draft evaders and deserters have swollen jails more
than any other single category. There is deep and widespread fear of the security
forces, and contrary political thoughts are rarely, if ever, voiced in public, and then only
in hushed tones.” [18] (pages 11-12)
7.05 The Economist Intelligence Unit’s (EIU) Eritrea Country Report (Main report), dated 1
February 2011, stated:
“The Economist Intelligence Unit's 2010 dem ocracy index ranks Eritrea 152nd out of
167 countries and places it firmly among the 50 countries categorised as ‘authoritarian’
regimes. This group includes 24 other countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, including
Zimbabwe (146th), Sudan (151st) and Equatorial Guinea (160th). Eritrea's score on the
index has remained unchanged since 2008, underpinned by the regime's continued
intolerance of criticism, its use of torture, the routine detention without trial of dissenters,
the lack of an independent media and the heavy concentration of power in the hands of
the president, Isaias Afewerki.
“ Democracy index
“Regime type Overall score Overall rank PDF page 28
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“2010 Authoritarian 2.31 out of 10 152 out of 167
“2008 Authoritarian 2.31 out of 10 153 out of 167
“… Eritrea scores 0 in the electoral process category, as it is a one-party state that has
not held any elections since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993. The country's
score on political participation is only marginally higher (1.11 out of 10), as avenues for
such participation are virtually non-existent. Eritrea's score on civil liberties is similarly
low (2.06 out of 10). Opposition to the government is not tolerated and the few
individuals who have spoken out against the regime have been imprisoned without trial.
The harsh treatment meted out to the government's critics has meant that discontent
with the regime is expressed largely through the steady flow of Eritreans leaving the
country rather than any signs of overt resistance. The lack of political freedoms is
cemented by the absence of a state-owned media (all independent outlets were closed
in 2001). Eritrea's low score on functioning of government is entrenched by the heavy
concentration of power in the hands of Mr Isaias, who almost single-handedly controls
all policy decisions and the distribution of power. The only category on which Eritrea
scores well is political culture (6.25 out of 10), as support for (at least limited)
democratic reforms and greater political participation is fairly high. One reason for this is
the widespread discontent with the government's management of the economy and with
the indefinite military conscription of Eritreans under the age of 35. Either way, the tight
controls on the population mean that this support for democracy does not amount to
much in practice.
“Democracy index 2010 by category (on a scale of 0 to 10)
“Electoral process 0.00
“Functioning of government 2.14
“Political participation 1.11
“Political culture 6.25
“Civil liberties 2.06.” [80a]
Democracy index 2010: Democracy in retreat, a free EIU report containing the full index
and detailed methodology, can be downloaded from:
http://graphics.eiu.com/PDF/Democracy_Index_2010_web.pdf. [80b]
For specific human rights issues, see Human rights violations by government forces;
Freedom of movement; Freedom of speech and media; Freedom of religion; Freedom
of political expression; Freedom of association and assembly; Prison and detention
centre conditions; Disability; Women; Children
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29
8. S ECURITY FORCES
POLICE
8.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated that the:
“Police were officially responsible for maintaining internal security, and the army was
responsible for external security; however, the government could call on the armed
forces, the reserves, and demobilized soldiers to meet either domestic or external
security requirements. Agents of the National Security Office, which reports to the Office
of the President, were responsible for detaining persons suspected of threatening
national security. The military had the authority to arrest and detain civilians. Generally
[the] police did not have a role in cases involving national security, but they were heavily
involved in rounding up individuals evading national service.
“Police, who often were conscripted, were poorly paid, and corruption was a problem.
During the year [2009] there were reports of police and other security forces committing
crimes to supplement their income, including breaking into homes to confiscate jewelry,
money, and food. Police typically used their influence as government officials to assist
friends and family, such as in facilitating family members’ release from prison. There
were reports that [the] police demanded bribes to release detainees and that military
forces accepted money to smuggle citizens out of the country. There were no
mechanisms to address allegations of official abuse, and impunity was a problem.”
[3b] (section 1d)
See also Human Rights violations by government forces
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ARMED FORCES
8.02 The number of military personnel as regu lar soldiers is not given in the Central
Intelligence Agency’s World Factbook section on Eritrea ( 12 January 2011 version),
though it estimated that of the 2.6 million military servic e reservists and military
conscripts, around 1.7 million were fit for military service. [1]. Europa World (accessed
on 4 February 2011) stated that “…as assess ed at November 2009, Eritrea’s active
armed forces included an army of about 200,000, a navy of 1,400 and an air force of
about 350; reserve forces numbered 120,000.” [24] (Government and Politics)
8.03 The Armed Forces section of Jane’s Sentinel Risk Assessment (26 January 2010
version), Eritrea, provided the following information about the armed forces:
“The [Eritrean] armed forces appear to have successfully transformed themselves from
a guerrilla army into one that is fully capable of fighting a conventional war but the
pressure on society, economy and political freedom entailed is likely to be prohibitive in
the medium term.
“In terms of capabilities, the Eritrean military remains overwhelmingly a light infantry
force with little in the way of armoured, mechanised or artillery support. Development of
the air force has aimed to overcome the strategic limitations of a largely conscript army PDF page 30
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as well as to match the expansion of Ethiopia's capabilities, which remain comparable
and broadly constrained by the same factors. With no naval dimension to the conflict
with Ethiopia, the development of Eritrea's small navy has stalled, although it may still
be considered a competent paramilitary force in the coast guard role…President Isaias
Afewerki is the commander in chief of the Eritrean Defence Force (EDF), which
consists of an army, air force and navy. Eritrea has one of the biggest land armies in
sub-Saharan Africa, with conscription strictly enforced. By comparison with the army,
the air force and navy deploy modest numbers of personnel. The commander in chief
exercises control through a small number of trusted, long-serving associates who
occupy key posts in the defence area. The key senior personnel are the minister of
defence, the commanders of the five Military Operation Zones (MOZs), and the
commanders of the air force and navy. During the 1990s it was understood that there
was a chief of general staff overseeing a land forces commander, an air force
commander and a navy commander. In more recent years the army has been
organised on the basis of the five MOZs”. [7a]
See also National service
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HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS BY GOVERNMENT FORCES
Arbitrary arrest and detention
8.04 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that
the:
“The law stipulates that detainees must be brought before a judge within 48 hours of
their arrest and may not be held more than 28 days without being charged with a crime.
In practice authorities often detained suspects for much longer periods. The law
stipulates that unless there is a ‘crime in progress’, police must conduct an investigation
and obtain a warrant prior to making an arrest. In cases involving national security, this
process may be waived. In practice very few individuals were arrested with a warrant.
Authorities did not promptly inform detainees of [the] charges against them and often
changed the charges during detention. Detainees in prisons often did not have access
to counsel or appear before a judge. Incommunicado detention was widespread,
although detainees in police stations generally had access to legal representation and
family members. Authorities provided indigent detainees with counsel on an irregular
basis. There was a functioning bail system, except for persons charged with national
security crimes or crimes that could carry the death penalty.” [3b] (section 1d)
8.05 The main application of police powers to a rrest and detain is to enforce recruitment
round-ups (giffa), with the Unit ed States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report
on Eritrea stating that “security force personnel detained individuals for evading national
service and on other unspecified national security charges. In practice, most detainees
were informally charged with issues relating to national service, effectively allowing
authorities to incarcerate citizens indefinitely.” The same United States State
Department report further stated that “security forces also continued to detain and arrest
the parents and spouses of individuals who evaded national service or fled the country.”
[3b] (section 1d)
See also Arrest and detention - legal rights; Detention of national service conscripts PDF page 31
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Torture
8.06 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“The law and the ratified but unimplemented constitution prohibit torture; however, there
were numerous reports that security forces resorted to torture and beatings of prisoners,
particularly during interrogations. There were credible reports that several military
conscripts died following such treatment. Security forces severely mistreated and beat
army deserters, draft evaders, persons attempting to flee the country without travel
documents and exit permits, and members of certain religious groups…no known action
was taken during the year to punish perpetrators of torture and abuse.” [3b] (section 1c)
8.07 The Amnesty International 2010 Annual Report, published on 28 May 2010, stated:
“The authorities interrogated, tortured and otherwise ill-treated critics of the government
in an attempt to deter dissenting opinion. Prisoners were often whipped, kicked or tied
with ropes in painful positions for prolonged periods.
“Prison conditions were dire. Many prisoners were held in underground cells or shipping
containers and denied access to daylight. Conditions were overcrowded, damp and
unhygienic.
“Prisoners were frequently exposed to the sun for extended periods of time, or locked in
metal shipping containers, which magnified extremes of heat and cold.” [6b]
See Prison and detention centre conditions
8.08 The Human Rights Watch (HRW) Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report, published in April 2009, stated: “According to eyewitness
accounts gathered by Human Rights Watch, torture and cruel, inhuman, and degrading
treatment or punishment by military officers and commanders are systematic and
‘normal’...in Eritrea, deaths in custody are common as a result of ill-treatment, torture,
and denial of medical treatment.” [29c] (p29-30)
8.09 The HRW Service for Life report describes the various torture methods used on
prisoners in military detention. According to the report, the names of the known different
types of torture are:
‘Helicopter’ - the victim’s hands and feet are tied together behind the back. The victim is
left face down, often outside in the sun. According to former detainees, this form of
torture is practiced in most of the prisons, in particular in Alla prison.
‘Otto’ (or ‘eight’) - the victim’s hands are tied together behind the back, and the victim
has to lie on his or her stomach. According to former detainees, this was the most
common form of torture, practiced in all the prisons, and also in Wi’a and Sawa military
camps.
‘Ferro’ - the victim’s hands are placed behind the back and the wrists are bound
together with handcuffs. The victim is made to lie on his or her stomach. The victim may PDF page 32
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also be left outside in the sun. According to a former army officer, ‘ferro’ was often the
punishment for individuals suspected of being army deserters.
‘Jesus Christ’ - the victim is crucified by being tied up with rope to a tree or a cross and
then left to hang in that position. Sometimes the victim is also beaten while in the hung
position.
‘Goma’ - the victim is placed in a radial truck tyre in a double-bent position for long
periods of time.
‘Mock drowning’ - the victim’s head is submerged in water as an act of ‘mock drowning’.
‘Beating’ - according to former detainees, beatings are a common punishment and take
place on a regular, often daily, basis. Beatings can occur before or after other forms of
torture. [29c] (p30-32)
8.10 The United St ates State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“Security forces subjected deserters and dra ft evaders to such disciplinary actions as
prolonged sun exposure in temperatures of up to 120 degrees Fahrenheit and the
binding of hands, elbows, and feet for ext ended periods; and suspension from trees for
extended periods. No known action was tak en during the year [2009] to punish
perpetrators of torture and abuse.” [3b] (section 1c)
8.11 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report , published on 24 January 2011, stated
that “…during the 2010 Universal Periodic Re view (UPR) of human rights practices at
the UN Human Rights Council, Eritrea committed to acceding to the Convention Against
Torture. At year’s end it hadn’t done so, and there was no evidence that its practices
changed.” [29b] (p5)
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Extra-judicial killings
8.12 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“The government continued to authorize the use of lethal force against individuals
resisting or attempting to flee during military searches for deserters and draft evaders,
and the practice reportedly resulted in deaths during the year [2009]. Several persons
detained for evading national service died after harsh treatment by [the] security forces.
There were reports that individuals were severely beaten and killed during roundups of
young men and women for national service.” [3b] (section 1a)
8.13 The Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights 2009 report, The Lasting Struggle for
Freedom in Eritrea - Human Rights and Political Development, 1991-2009, stated:
“There are also numerous reports of summary executions or people being tortured to
death, carried out by military personnel in the many military detention camps throughout
the country. Extrajudicial killings take place not only in detention centres and prisons,
but also in the context of everyday life in rural and urban areas. A number of people
have been shot near the Sudanese and Ethiopian borders, allegedly for attempting to
cross the border illegally. Apparently, military personnel on the border have standing
orders to shoot on sight if people are attempting to flee the country. Furthermore, the PDF page 33
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33
government has authorised the use of lethal force against anyone resisting or
attempting to flee during military searches for deserters and draft evaders in the cities; a
practice that reportedly has resulted in many deaths.” [19] (p14)
8.14 The Human Rights Watch 2009 Service for Life report stated that:
“Human Rights Watch were told by a number of sources that there is an official ‘shoot-
to-kill’ policy in operation against all those trying to cross the border. A former officer in
exile told Human Rights Watch that such an order was in effect: ‘Now the law is killing
people for crossing the border. The law changed one year ago’. Another more senior
officer, specified: ‘There was a circular. There has been such a large number of people
[crossing] that there was an announcement that anyone who crosses the border will be
shot.’ ” [29c] (p39)
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AVENUES OF COMPLAINT
8.15 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that
during 2009 “…there were no mechanisms to addr ess allegations of o fficial abuse, and
impunity was a problem.” [3b] (section 1d)
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9. NATIONAL SERVICE
The information in this section has been obtained from a numb er of sources, some of
which give differing information about national service and how it is implemented in
practice. For example, sources differ on wh at age national service starts and ends for
men and women. As a result, it is not possible to be definiti ve about how the legislation
governing national service and the other aspects of national service are implemented in
practice.
GENERAL BACKGROUND
9.01 A German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA ) academic paper about the
national service programme by Nicole Hirt, dated January 2010 (GIGA paper 2010),
stated:
“In November 1991 the provisional government of Eritrea, formerly the Eritrea People’s
Liberation Front (EPLF), introduced a mandatory national service (Proclamation
18/1991) for all Eritreans, male and female, aged 18 to 40. Initially, this service included
six months of military training and 12 months of work on reconstruction and
development projects. One important aim of the national service is ‘to serve as an
instrument for socializing Eritrean youth into the values and characteristics of the
EPLF’. Although there has not been much enthusiasm for the program since its
beginning, it was initially accepted as a national duty. In early 1998, a few months
before the war with Ethiopia started, a national development campaign was announced
and all those who had finished their national service were remobilized. When the war
started, they were directly integrated into their specific army positions. Since the end of PDF page 34
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the war in 2000 there has been no significant demobilization of the army, which consists
of more than 350,000 people, while every year new rounds of young men and women
have been drafted.
“In summer 2002 the government announced the so-called Warsay Yikealo
Development Campaign [WYDC]. The younger generation is referred to as warsay,
meaning ‘inheritor’ or ‘follower,’ While yikealo denotes a wise elderly person, a term the
government uses explicitly for the fighter generation. The younger generation is
supposed to follow in the footsteps of the former fighters by internalizing and practicing
the values of self-sacrifice, hard work and dedication to the Eritrean nation in the form of
unlimited and unpaid service. The introduction of the WYDC meant de facto that the
national service was no longer limited to 18 months (as a matter of fact, all those
remobilized in 1998 had already spent years in the military) but rather became open-
ended.” [67]
9.02 The Internati onal Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, also provided backgrou nd information about the national service
programme:
“Eritrea is a highly militarised society shaped by war, run by warriors and in which
citizenship has come to be equated with indefinite national service - associated not with
rights but with obligations. The ethos of the armed struggle permeates all aspects of
public life, and the country has proved unable, as yet, to escape its violent past.
Immediately after independence, the EPLF [Eritrean People’s Liberation Front] created
a system of national service, the core component of which was military, centred on the
training camp at Sawa, where it sought to inculcate the next generation with the culture
and spirit of the liberation struggle. Sawa was conceived as the foundation stone of the
nation-building process. Initially, it was a potentially constructive arrangement: all men
and women between the ages of eighteen and 50 were to undergo six months of
military training, followed by twelve months either of active duty deployment or
developmental work.
“Several such rounds were completed between 1993 and 1998. However, the war with
Ethiopia brought a fundamental change, as the national service commitment became, in
effect, indefinite. Young Eritreans were swiftly absorbed into a military machine with little
prospect of eventual demobilisation or even appropriate levels of leave. In 2002, this
was formalised by the creation of the Warsai Yikalo [“those who follow the powerful”]
development campaign, which amounted to the institutionalisation of the liberation
struggle on a massive scale. Today hundreds of thousands are trapped in the system,
since despite commitments made after the 2000 ceasefire, the demobilisation program
is largely suspended. The small groups which have been released from time to time are
often composed of those who are chronically ill, and their numbers are swiftly replaced
by new recruits caught in periodic round-ups.
“The government’s position is that national service is necessary for nation-building, to
imbue younger people with a sense of loyalty, discipline and patriotism and to break
down regional, ethnic and religious barriers. It defends the prominent role of the military,
arguing that Eritrea is surrounded by enemies, so cannot afford to let down its guard.”
[18] (pages 9-10)
9.03 The Eritrea section (2 9 June 2009 update) of the War Resisters International website,
accessed on 13 January 2011, provided the following information: PDF page 35
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“In 1991 the provisional government of Eritrea introduced compulsory national service,
including military service (Decree no. 11/1991 of 6 November 1991). However, until May
1994, the 1991 decree was not implemented
“After officially achieving independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the 1991 Decree was
initially revised (Decree 71/1995), but later replaced with the 23 October 1995 Decree
on national service.” [64]
NATIONAL SERVICE PROCLAMATION 82/1995
9.04 The National Service Proclamation No 82/ 1995 issued by the Eritrean Government on
23 October 1995 sets out the nat ional service requirements in full. Article 2 of the
Proclamation stated that: “‘National Service’ will mean the general se rvice that a citizen
will give in active nat ional service and in reserve mili tary service, under the present
proclamation…‘Active National Service’ will mean the training and service that a citizen
[referred to as a “Trainee”] fit for national service under Article 8 of this proclamation will
undergo for 18 months”. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.05 Article 6 of the National Service Proclamation states that: “…any Eritrean citizen from 18
to 50 years of age has the obligation of carry ing out national service.” Article 8 of the
Proclamation states that: “…all Eritrean citiz ens from the age of 18 to 40 years have the
compulsory duty of performing Active National Service. Active National Service consists
of six months of training in the National Service Training Center and 12 months of active
military service and developmen t tasks in military forces for a total of 18 months.” The
use of the term “active national service” refe rs to military training and national service
duties but does not include reserve military service. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23
October 1995)
9.06 Article 9 states that “…any Eritrean citizen from the age of 18 to 40 years called upon to
undertake active national service has the compulsory duty of undertaking military
training for six months in the National Service Military Training Center”. Article 13 (i)
adds that anyone declared unfit for military training may be obliged to undertake 18
months of active national service in “any public and Government organ according to
their capacity and profession.” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.07 Article 11 of the National Service Proclamation states that citizens have to register at a
registration centre when called upon to do so by the Minist ry of Defence. Youths who
are 17 years old are expected to register fo r national service at a registration centre
without being formally instructed to by the Ministry of Defence. [13] (National Service
Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.08 Article 12 of the National Service Proclamation covers the categories of people who are
exempt from “Active National Service”, and these are:
“(1) The citizens who have performed National Service before the promulgation of this
proclamation;
“(2) All Fighters and Armed peasants who have proved to have spent all their time in
the liberation struggle;” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.09 Article 13 of the National Service Procla mation covers individuals who are unfit for
military service and states that: PDF page 36
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“(1) Those citizens who have been declared unfit for military [service] by the Board
composed of the Ministry of Regional Administration of other Government Organs under
the directives given by the Ministry of Defence will undertake 18 months of National
Service in any public and Government organ according to their capacity and profession.
“(2) After completing 18 months of service they will have the compulsory duty of serving
according to their capacity until the expiry of 50 years of age under mobilization or
emergency situation directives given by the Government.” [13] (National Service Proclamation
of 23 October 1995)
See Exemptions - exemption on medical grounds
9.10 Article 14 of the Nationa l Service Proclamation covers exemptions that are only valid for
a limited period, and mainly affects students. Article 15 of the Proclamation deals with
medical exemptions and states that individ uals who are disabled, blind or suffer from
psychological derangement, can be given official exemption from all types of national
service - not just military service. Article 16 of the Proclamation stat es that the Ministry
of Defence decides what type of national service in dividuals have to complete .
[13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
See Exemptions - exemption on medical grounds
9.11 Article 17 sets out the regulat ions that relate to exit from the country when either being
eligible for the draft or performing national servic e. According to this Article, an Eritrean
citizen eligible for national service may travel abroad “upon giving evidence that he is
exempted from National Service or that he has completed his service by producing a
Certificate of Service” or, alternatively, by “producing a registration card and entering
into a bond of 60,000 Birr as security that he will return to resume his duty when called
upon to do so.” Article 18 of the Proclamation states that the Ministry of Defence has the
responsibility to resolve problems individ uals may have with the length and nature of
national service they have to undergo. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
See Demobilisation
9.12 Article 21(1) of the National Service Proclamation stated t hat “during a mobilization or
war period anyone in Active Na tional Service is under the obl igation of remaining even
beyond the prescribed per iod unless the concerned Authority allows him to leave
officially.” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.13 Article 22 of the National Service Proclamation provides details of the rights and
privileges of the indivi duals in national service. These include food, lodg ing, transport,
uniform, medical services, and payment. Individuals who have completed active
national service have the right to return to their previous employment - whether this is in
the public sector or private sector.
9.14 Articles 23 to 32 of the Na tional Service Proclamation deals with service in the reserve
army. Article 23 states that:
“1) -The citizen[s] mentioned below are subject to compulsory service in [the] reserve
Army:
- Anyone that has completed active National Service; PDF page 37
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37
- Anyone that was rehabilitated because he had joined the Armed Struggle; Fighters
and militia in civil life.
- Former fighters working in private, public and government work;
- Citizens who have been discharged from the army or Police.
2) -The citizens mentioned in Sub-Art. (1) of this article have the compulsory duty of
service until the age of 50.” [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.15 Article 37 relates to the penalties for evading national service duties, including attempts
to evade national service by de liberate self-inflicted injury. [13] (National Service Proclamation
of 23 October 1995)
The full text of National Proclamation 82/1995 can be accessed using the weblink
below:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,LEGAL,,LEGISLATION,ERI,,3dd8d3af4,0.html
See Exemptions; Penalties for evading national service; Exit and return
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NATIONAL SERVICE IN PRACTICE
9.16 The United Stat es State Department 2010 Trafficking in Persons Report , published on
14 June 2010, stated:
“Under the parameters set forth in Proclamation of National Service (No. 82/1995), men
aged 18 to 54 and women aged 18 to 47 are required to provide 18 months of military
and non-military public works and services in any location or capacity chosen by the
government. Some national service conscripts, however, are required to continue their
service indefinitely, beyond the duration specified by law, with many required to serve in
their positions for over 10 years under the threat of inhuman treatment, torture, or
punishment of their families. There have been reports that some Eritrean conscripts are
forced to build private homes for army officers, as well as to perform agricultural labor
on farms and construction activities for firms owned by the state, the ruling party, senior
army officers, and private investors, functions outside the scope of the proclamation.
The military’s four command zones reportedly undertake diversified economic activities,
including trading, farming, property development, and infrastructure construction, for the
enrichment of the government, the ruling party, and high-ranking army officers using
conscripted labor. National service conscripts could not resign from their jobs or take
new employment, received no promotions or salary increases, and could not leave the
country, as those under national service were often denied passports or exit visas.
Some national service members were assigned to return to their civilian jobs while
nominally kept in the military because their skills were deemed critical to the functioning
of the government or the economy; these individuals continued to receive only their
national service salary and were required to forfeit to the government any money they
earned above and beyond that salary.” [3d] PDF page 38
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9.17 The Human Rights Watch report Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea (HRW Service for Life report), published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“Although the war with Ethiopia ended in 2000, in May 2002 the government introduced
the Warsai Yekalo Development Campaign (WYDC), a proclamation that indefinitely
extended national service…the WYDC was a national effort in which the generation that
had fought for independence would join with new recruits to build the nation. In effect, it
meant the forced conscription of every adult male up to the age of 50, although some
refugees claim 55 is now the upper limit, with other sources claiming up to 57 for men
and 47 for women…not all national service is m ilitary service, since many conscripts are
not deployed in the army but on civilian projects, or are assigned to commercial
enterprises with their salary paid to the Ministry of Defence. However, the Ministry of
Defence is in control of the national service program and if someone working on a
construction project were to abscond they are still be [sic] regarded as a deserter under
military law.
“Refugees interviewed by Human Rights Watch emphasized that there was no
difference between military and civilian national service - conscripts are equally at the
mercy of the state…military duties are only one of a number of different assignments
that conscripts can be tasked with, although it is the most common.” [29c] (pages 43-44)
9.18 The British Embassy in Asmara in April 2010 obtained the following information from
Eritrean sources:
“Officially, the Eritrean Ministry of Defence runs the military/national service
programme. However, in practice other ministries are involved in the assignment of
people to national service positions in ministerial dependencies…when students finish
school in the Sawa miltary/school camp, they are automatically assigned to either
military service, another type of national service or further education, and are given the
relevant documents to that effect at that time. Other Eritreans are forcefully brought into
military/national service as a result of round-ups or house searches. Military service or
national service call-up documents are not issued to these individuals and they are not
informed in advance that they have to undergo military/national service…in principle,
individuals have no choice about their military/national service assignment though some
may be able to influence where (e.g Asmara). Individuals are generally arbitrarily
transferred by their commanders or supervising officers. There are no standard rules
with regard to such transfers.” [10a]
9.19 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report , published on 24 January 2011, stated
that “…in practice, national service is rout inely prolonged indefinit ely. National service
conscripts are paid a pittance and often used as cheap, in voluntary labor on projects
personally benefiting ranking ci vilian and military leaders. They have been used as
forced labor to implement development projects.” [29b]
9.20 It was reported by Awate on 13 July 2007 that students were sent to different military
training centres, based on their examination results:
“The 21st [national service] round includes two groups: those assigned to Sawa and
those assigned to WiA. The Sawa contingent left on July 4th [2007]; a day later, the WIA
contingent followed suit. The difference in assignments is based on examination results:
those who score 50 or higher are sent to Sawa and those who score below 50 are sent
to WiA. PDF page 39
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39
“Sawa military camp, which long had been a dreaded destination, has suddenly
emerged as a premium choice simply because it compares favorably to WiA, an even
more punishing landscape.” [27n] (Awate - 21st Round: ‘Yimerena’lo’, 13 July 2007)
9.21 The HRW Service for Life report stated further:
“After six months of compulsory military training, national service conscripts are
deployed indefinitely in one of several possible activities. Many conscripts are simply
drafted into military service and are deployed in regular military units. One refugee
interviewed by Human Rights Watch was sent to work as clerk in a court in Asmara,
another was sent to work as a mechanic in a civilian garage repairing trucks in Asmara.
Others described working on farms or mines owned by the state or the PFDJ ruling
party, or building roads and bridges. Regular military units, conscripted military
personnel, and prisoners are all also engaged in similar activities - building, mining, and
farming...the projects on which conscripts are deployed are not just public works for the
national good. They are often sent to work on private construction projects, building
houses for military leaders, and working on private farms. Human Rights Watch and
Amnesty International have both previously documented the use of conscript labor for
the benefit of ranking members of the military and the government…it is not just
conscripts who are providing cheap labor for the benefit of military leaders. Prisoners
are regularly employed and school children are made to work during their school
holidays. The national program for school children is called Mahtot.” [29c] (pages 51-56)
9.22 Students may also be required to work on nati onal service projects which are part of a
student Summer Work Programme (SWP). A report published on the Shabait website
(Eritrean government website) on 23 July 2010 provided details of the kind of work
involved in the SWP:
“Summer Work Program is underway in the Anseba region in an effective manner,
according to Mr. Kifle Solomon, coordinator of the program.
“He explained that the activities involve the construction of embankments and terraces,
digging of holes for planting tree seedlings, gardening, renovation of roads, micro-dams
and water reservoirs. More than 4,000 students are taking active participation in the
campaign being undertaken in 42 stations, in addition to about 166 agricultural experts
and teachers…the Administrator of Debresina administr ative area, Mr. Yikaalo
Asgedom, on his part stressed the significance of the SWP in providing conducive
ground for students to share experience and develop the culture of hard work.” [46f]
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PAYMENT FOR NATIONAL SERVICE
9.23 The HRW Service for Life report stated:
“According to escaped conscripts, the normal ‘allowance’ during training is 50 Eritrean
Nakfa per month (about US$3). After 18 months training while on national service, this
is increased to 150 Nakfa a month ($9). This is the same amount paid to former soldiers
recalled for service during the 1998-2000 war and still mobilized as well as for the over-
50s who have been mobilized to serve in a reserve militia. Some of those conscripted
prior to 1998 appear to have been incorporated into the regular army and receive PDF page 40
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salaries accordingly. Regular soldiers are paid a salary of 330 to 3,000 Nakfa ($20 to
$183) depending on rank…for regular recruits on national service, 150 Nakfa does not
constitute a living wage, nor is their labor given freely. Refugees interviewed by Human
Rights Watch refused to refer to the money they were paid as a salary, preferring
instead to call it ‘pocket money’. All complained that it was insufficient to live on and
completely inadequate to feed a family. Western diplomats and UN officials confirmed
that making ends meet on such amounts was impossible in Eritrea.” [29c] (p52-53)
9.24 A paper entitled The Eritrean National Serv ice: A Missed Opportunity , by Professor
Gaim Kibreab, presented to a conference of Citizens for Demo cratic Rights in Eritrea,
held in London on 11 January 2009, stated:
“Large numbers of skilled individuals, whilst formally remaining in the army, are
systematically released to work for the government and the ruling party without
payment, save the pittance paid monthly. In the beginning, the agelglot [national service
conscripts] received 50 Nakfa (ERN), i.e. equivalent to US $7 per month and this was
later increased to ERN 150 (US $10). This was again increased to N 450 (US $22) in
the mid-2002 but the value of the Eritrean currency, ERN, had by then depreciated and
inflation skyrocketed so much that the increase of the allowance did not make any
difference to the situation of the conscripts. With the exception of the tegadelti (ex-
fighters), nearly all Eritreans working for the government and the ruling party who are
between the ages of 18 and 51 have been receiving no salaries or wages since 1998,
save some professionals who were issued ‘demobilisation ID cards’ without being
demobilised who were subsequently given civilian assignment while remaining under
the auspices of the NS [national service] and the WYDC [Warsay Yikealo Development
Campaign]. For example, most teachers, engineers, bankers, clerks, architects,
electricians, mechanics, welders, nurses, dressers, bricklayers, masons, unskilled
construction and agricultural labourers, etc. within the eligibility age working for the
government and the ruling party receive no wages or salaries. Not only does this
represent loss of indispensable income to families but also the effect of the loss of
income on demand in combination with the government’s hostile policy on private
enterprise have wiped out Eritrea’s entrepreneurial culture.” [66]
9.25 The GIGA 2010 paper stated:
“With the exception of women over 27, married women, and those with children, all
of whom are exempted from the service, only those with serious medical problems are
discharged. The rest of the younger generation work on infrastructure projects or are
employed at large cash-crop farms run by the army or at party-owned business
enterprises in the construction service after completion of their military training.
They receive a ‘salary’ of approximately 500 nakfa per month (approximately €25)
and live under military discipline even when working on civil activities. Some educated
persons are allowed to perform their national service in the offices of the administration,
but they still do not receive payment. Thus, it is the government, the PFDJ, the mass
organizations, and the senior army officers that are the beneficiaries of the campaign.
Party-owned construction firms operate mainly with national service conscripts. The four
military command zones are involved in economic activities such as trading, farming,
property development and infrastructure construction, all of which are based on the
unpaid labor of the conscripts.” [67]
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41
PENALTIES FOR EVADING NATIONAL SERVICE
Legal penalties
9.26 Article 37 (Penalties) of the National Service Proclamation lists a range of sanctions
which exist for evading national service, and is sub-divided into four sections. Art 37(1)
states that any violation of the Proclamation is punishable by two years imprisonment or
a fine, or both. Art 37(2) stat es that avoidance of national service by deceit or self-
inflicted injury is punishable by up to two years imprisonment or a fine, followed by
national service. If the self-inflicted injury precludes national service, the prison term is
three years. Art 37(3) states that individuals who travel abroad to avoid national service
and return before they are 40 years of age must undertake national service. The penalty
for individuals who return a fter the age of 40, but are under 50, is imprisonment for five
years; and they also lose the right to employment, to own a business licence, to be
issued with an exit visa, and to own land. Art 37(4) states that the punishment for
deliberately delaying being registered for national service or avoiding national service by
deceit or the use of obstructive methods is two years imprisonment or a fine, or both.
[13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.27 The Oslo Centre for Peace and Human Rights report, The Lasting Struggle for Freedom
in Eritrea - Human Rights and Political Development, 1991-2009 (Oslo Centre 2009
report), published on 22 October 2009, stated:
“The legal penalty for evading conscription or assisting in it is two years’ imprisonment
(as per the National Service Regulations of 1995). Amnesty International reports,
however, that in practice offenders are being punished by their local commanding
officers without any form of trial, legal recourse or opportunity to appeal or redress. The
forms of punishment may vary, but usually consist of torture and arbitrary detention for
an indefinite period.” [19] (p94)
Punishment of relatives of national service evaders
9.28 An Eritrea Daily report, dated 18 December 2008, stat ed that mutinying Eritrean army
units had freed 618 people from a prison locat ed in the South administrative zone. The
people released were the parents of children subject to military service. The report
explained that:
“The parents were jailed for failing and in many cases even for simply refusing to pay an
arbitrary punitive fine of 50,000 Nafka imposed on them for not disclosing the
whereabouts of their children who were being sought out for conscription in the
military…according to local reports, the mutinying units used military force to free the
jailed parents only after prison guards declined calls to let the prisoners go free
voluntarily.” [21]
9.29 The HRW Service for Life report stated:
“There are strict penalties for those who try and escape national service as well as for
any Eritreans who leave the country without government authorization. Families are
collectively punished if their relatives flee national service, usually by being jailed or
forced to pay fines…all of the deserters interviewed by Human Rights Watch were
fearful for the safety of their families and anxious that they would face the crippling
50,000 Nakfa fines, detention, or some other retribution such as the denial of business PDF page 42
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permits or the forfeiting of land in lieu of a cash fine. Three former conscripts said their
mothers had been imprisoned for four months, two months, and two weeks respectively
because they could not afford to pay the 50,000 Nakfa fine.” [29c] (p45-46)
9.30 The Oslo Centre 2009 report stated:
“Since 2005, thousands of mothers and fathers, sisters and brothers, of draft evaders
and escapees have been arrested throughout Eritrea. For instance, reportedly around
179 women and 26 men were detained on 24 October 2005 in the highland town of
Dekemhare. The targets were parents whose children had fled the country over the last
several years. If a parent was not found, the eldest available brother or the closest adult
relative was detained. This wave of arrests followed earlier clamp-downs in the region.
Furthermore, over 500 relatives, mostly parents, of young men and women who have
avoided conscription or deserted the army, were reportedly arrested and held under
harsh conditions in Asmara in late 2006. As the flight of Eritrea’s young men and
women today has reached about 2000 per month, the regime has reportedly ceased the
practice of arresting parents or relatives of the escapees, as this would have implicated
an unmanageably large share of the population of the country.” [19] (p93)
9.31 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“The government deployed military and police throughout the country [in 2009], using
roadblocks, street sweeps, and house-to-house searches to find deserters and draft
evaders. Security forces [in 2009] continued to detain and arrest parents of individuals
who evaded national service duties or fled the country, along with their family members;
there were reports that such parents were either fined 50,000 nakfa ($3,333) or forced
to turn their children in to the government.” [3b] (section 1f)
See Human rights violations by the security forces
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ROUND-UPS (GIFFAS)
9.32 The HRW Service for Life report noted that:
“Conscription is generally managed by local councils, the smallest units of local
administration, sometimes referred to as kebelle, sometimes as memehidar, a general
word meaning ‘administration’. These council officials maintain detailed records on the
individual families in their area and ensure that those of age are conscripted. But in
larger towns, the police or military also try to capture evaders or deserters through ad
hoc round-ups. Round-ups of the population in towns and villages - known as giffa in
Tigrinya - are common and constitute a kind of modern press-ganging. Anyone of age
found without the relevant documents exempting them from national service is taken to
the military camps of Sawa and Wi’a for training…even aside from evaders and
deserters, any civilian who forgets their identification or travel documents is at particular
risk of being rounded up in a giffa and arbitrarily detained.” [29c] (pages 48-49)
9.33 The British Embassy in Asmara in Oct ober 2010 obtained the following information from
Eritrean sources about the role of Kebelles (local authorities): PDF page 43
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43
“Occasionally, the local authorities [Kebelles] issue letters to those who have not
entered into the military urging them to do so. Round-ups are normally carried out by
the military…the most common fo rm of assistance is through informing the military of
any individuals who have not undertaken military training. They usually get this
information through ‘informants’. The Kebelles distribute call-up papers to those found in
breach of the rules on military training.” [10f]
9.34 The British Embassy in Asma ra in April 2010 obtained the following information from
Eritrean sources:
“It is important to note that there are no set government policies or standard
procedures regarding how round-ups are organised. Military service round-ups take
place usually around 4 to 5 times a year but can occur more frequently or less
frequently, and usually coincide with public holidays when large numbers of people are
out and about. They can occur in various parts of Eritrea and are not confined to one
particular part of it. Once rounded up, people are sent from Asmara to the Adi Abeto
camp for processing and onward assignment.” [10a]
9.35 According to information obtained by t he British Embassy in As mara in April 2010,
conscripts are taken to the Adi Abeto camp after being rounded up. [10a]. Information in
the Human Rights Watch Service for Life report [29c] (p48-49), and a 2007 Awate report,
indicate that conscripts have been taken to other military camps. [27o] (Awate - Eritrean
regime rounds up thousands of Keren youth, 12 March 2007).
9.36 Awate reported on 23 May 2009 that a m ilitary round-up took place in May 2009:
“In what has become an annual ritual since 2001, Eritrean government has rounded up
thousands of Eritreans, mostly the youth, from the environs of Asmara. Eyewitnesses
report that many youngsters who were fleeing from the military police (MPs) were
beaten cruelly to the extent of being hospitalised…the odd thing about the annual
roundups is that they occur during the Eritrean tourism season (May-August) and many
devoted government supporters in the Diaspora, having witnessed the cruelty of the
roundups and the dire condition of their families, come back disillusioned with the
government they support.” [27c] (Awate - Back to Eritrea: Eight Million Nakfas Missing;
Thousands of Youth Rounded Up, 23 May 2009)
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AUTHORISED LEAVE
9.37 The British Embassy in Asma ra in April 2010 obtained the following information from
Eritrean sources:
“There are no standard rules with regard to leave. Individuals have no entitlement to
leave, and cannot request it, but can be given it arbitrarily by local commanding officers.
If a military commander authorises leave for an individual, documents are issued
specifying where that person may travel to and for how long (usually one month
maximum). We do not know whether leave papers are issued in a printed standard
format or are handwritten.” [10a]
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CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTION
9.38 The War Resisters’ International World survey of conscription and conscientious
objection to military service (Eritrea section, June 2009 updat e), stated that “the right to
conscientious objection is not recognised” , and that conscientious objectors are
“detained - often indefinitely - without trial.” [64]. The HRW Service for Life report stated
that the “National Service Proclamation of 1995 makes no provision for conscientious
objection to military service.” [29c] (p47)
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STUDENTS AND CONSCRIPTION
9.39 The US State Department 2009 Human Rights report on Eritrea stated that:
“The government required all students who reached the final year of secondary school
to attend school at a location adjacent to the Sawa military training facility in the western
section of the country. Students who did not attend this final year did not graduate and
could not take examinations that determined eligibility for advanced education. The
remote location of this boarding school, security concerns, and societal attitudes
reportedly resulted in many female students not enrolling for their final year; however,
women could earn an alternative secondary school certificate by attending night school
after completing national service. Many students elected to repeat grades or dropped
out of high school after the 11th grade to avoid forced conscription into the Sawa
military education…all students spend their final year of high school at the military
training camp in Sawa. Attendance at Sawa was compulsory and those who do not
attend remain at risk of arrest. Students at Sawa are typically 18 or older, although a fair
percentage were as young as 16. The initial three months of school were spent
undergoing military training. Students who received poor grades in high school had in
the past been sent to the Wi’a Military Training Camp in lieu of being allowed to
complete the academic year.” [3b] (section 6)
9.40 The HRW Service for Life report stated:
“The preferred method of the Eritrean government is to conscript students into national
service straight from school, unless they are continuing higher education. To this end,
the final year of secondary school was moved to Sawa military camp in 2003. This 12th
grade takes place only in Sawa, under military authority, and incorporating military
training. Although many 12th grade students are 18 years old, or less, some are older
because they take longer to finish high school. Each round or intake of students
incorporates 8,000 to 9,000 students.
“Once they are in the camp, however, military service effectively starts then and there.
A teacher whose national service involved teaching in Sawa told Human Rights Watch,
‘The students could not study. They were always being forced to leave the class for
some kind of military service.’ A former student said he did not even enter 12th grade
but was ordered straight into national service in July 2007 even though he was less than
18 years old.” [29c] (p50)
9.41 The military authorities have made it difficu lt for students to escape from Sawa or to
avoid military training, as noted in the HRW Service for Life report: PDF page 45
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“National service is deeply unpopular, especially because new recruits know that there
is no prospect of it ending. Students have started escaping from Sawa camp during
their 12th grade year without completing school. Escape is no mean feat, because, as
described above, Sawa is in effect a huge prison. Those who made it described braving
machine gun fire, barbed wire fences, and several days of walking through the desert
without food and water.
“Some students, aware of their fate once they reach 12th grade have begun to
deliberately fail classes so that they can remain in the lower grades. Government
awareness of this practice has been to simply pull anyone of military age - 18 and
above - out of school altogether, even though it is normal for some students to take
extra years to finish school because they are poor or work on family farms…Wi’a is
reportedly the camp where the ‘not so clever’ students go. If it appears that a student
will not graduate [from] high school anyway, then the government will send him to Wi’a
even before he has finished. One former student who was sent to Sawa explained, ‘In
school, if you are absent more than two weeks, you get sent to Wi’a - for whatever
reason. Sawa is supposed to be for educated people. If you get kicked out of school,
you are not fit for education anyway, so you go to Wi’a.” [29c] (pages 50-51)
See Children
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EXEMPTIONS
9.42 The British Embassy in Asmara in Oc tober 2010 obtained the following general
information from Eritrean sources about exemptions:
“Normally, married women or women with young children are exempt from military
service as are those registered disabled. The elderly have usually completed their
national service, but if conflict ensues they could be expected to take up arms. Military
commanders are able to authorise medical exemptions, with a report from a military
medical officer. There are no exemptions for those from a poor background or those
who have family members dependent on them through age or illness.” [10f]
Exemption of women
9.43 The UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, in a letter dated 13 June 2008, stated that
“the age for military then national service is from 18 to 57 for men and 18 to 47 for
women…women do routinely perform active national service over the age of 27.”
Women over the age of 27 are unlikely to have to undergo military training if they had
not done so already. The letter added “marri ed women and mothers should be exempt
from military service and able to leave Eritrea before the age of 47, although [this] is
sometimes not the case.” [10b]
9.44 The British Embassy in Asma ra in April 2010 obtained the following information from
Eritrean sources:
“Married women and women with children are exempt from military/national service.
Single women who become formally engaged are also exempt. Muslims and Christians
are treated the same (they are given no special allowances for prayers, etc) although it PDF page 46
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is believed that Muslim women in rural areas are rarely called up. This may be due to
early marriages and the fact that those communities are made up of mostly poor,
subsistence-farming families.” [10a]
See also Women - national service
Exemption on medical grounds
9.45 Article 13(1) of the Proclamation on National Service st ates that individuals who are
deemed to be medically unfit fo r military service may be gi ven non-military duties as an
alternative to military servic e for a period of eighteen mont hs. This will depend on the
nature of the illness or disability of the individual concerned. For some individuals, this
will not be possible, and they will be exempt from all types of national service. Article 15
of the Proclamation allows individuals who are disabled, blind or psychologically
deranged to be exempt from national service alt ogether - whether this is military service
or some other type of national service. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995).
9.46 The British Em bassy in Asmara in April 2010 obtai ned the following information from
Eritrean sources about medical exemption from military service and national service in
general:
“People who are disabled or medically unfit for military/national service, and pregnant
women can and have been exempted from military/national service. To be exempted,
these individuals have to be medically certified by a doctor at a military base as
disabled/medically unfit…doctors produce t he medical reports needed and then make a
recommendation as to whether a particular individual should be exempted from
military/national service. The military authorities make the decision regarding exemption
and issue the relevant exemption documents.” [10a]
9.47 The HRW Service for Life report added:
“‘Psychological derangement’ (article 14, 5.1[of the National Service Proclamation]) is
also a ground for exemption from military service, and this appears to be a popular way
to try and evade service. Recruits who have recently been in Sawa describe a dramatic
increase in the number of people in the camp showing signs of severe mental illness.
Recruits describe a new disease that has sprung up among young women drafted into
Sawa and Wi’a training camps, called ‘lewt’ and only known in the camps.” [29c] (p48)
Exemption of religious clerics
9.48 Full-time religious clerics ar e not automatically exempt from national service, as noted in
a report published by International Christian Concern in April 2008:
“The Eritrean officials are forcefully sending ministers of the Eritrean Orthodox Church
to military training camps. As a consequence, Eritrean Orthodox churches throughout
the country are losing their leaders.
“At the end of 2006, the Eritrean government informed churches of its decision to
rescind a long-standing exemption of clerics from compulsory military service. The
Roman Catholic Church in Eritrea was the only church to express vehement and public
opposition to this unprecedented action. In contrast, the top leaders of the Eritrean PDF page 47
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47
Orthodox Church, who have been hand-picked by the government, embraced the new
policy with open arms.
“Eritrean officials are now forcibly recruiting church ministers into military service on a
wide scale. On March 24, 2008, Eritrean officials issued replacement identity cards to a
limited number of the church’s priests and deacons, exempting them from military
training. The vast majority of the church’s leaders, however, who did not receive
updated identity cards, are now required to go to military training camps.
“The largest Eritrean Orthodox Church in the country, St. Mary, in the capital city,
Asmara, had 96 ministers, but only 10 of them were issued IDs that exempted them
from military training. Similarly, in rural areas, where most Orthodox churches are
located, the maximum number of priests and deacons allowed to serve in any church is
10. The rest are expected to report for military service if they are under the age of 50.”
[30]
9.49 According to information obtained fr om the British Embassy in Asmara in April 2010,
“full-time religious clerics/nuns can be required to do military/national service although in
previous years they have been exempt. It is believed that some churches or mosques
are limited to having a mini mum of serving religious me mbers who are exempt from
military/national service.” [10a]
9.50 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that:
“in May 2008 the government issued religious officials from the four recognized religious
groups a set number of identity cards a nd exempted them from military service
requirements. Officials who were not awarded a card were told to report immediately for
military training. No such exemptions were provided during the year [2009].” [3b] (2c)
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DETENTION OF NATIONAL SERVICE CONCRIPTS
9.51 The HRW Service for Life report stated:
“Deserting from the army or even expressing dissent over the indefinite military service
is viewed as a political issue by the government. Therefore, most prisoners held for
political reasons are detained without charge or trial for refusing or questioning national
service or for offences punishable under military law. Even where detainees may have
committed a potential crime under military law, numerous former detainees told Human
Rights Watch that there was no system of military justice, that they were simply
imprisoned on the orders of their commanders without any courts-martial or other
procedure.
“Human Rights Watch spoke to over 40 deserters from the national service and the
military who had fled the country, all of whom had been thrown in jail multiple times
without due process. Their alleged offences ranged from questioning the educational
curriculum to being caught in prayer meetings to being suspected of trying to leave
national service.
“An officer in charge of a military prison who subsequently fled to Djibouti explained that
sentencing was completely arbitrary and commanders decide how long people remain PDF page 48
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in jail…detention of conscripts who try to practice unregistered religions is common.
Several people who escaped from their military service told Human Rights Watch that
they were arbitrarily thrown in jail for secretly reading the Bible in Sawa camp or being
caught in prayer meetings.” [29c] (pages 27-29)
9.52 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea noted:
“There were reports that detention center conditions for persons temporarily held for
evading military service were also harsh and life threatening. Allegations from various
sources suggested there may be hundreds of such detainees. Draft evaders were
reportedly sent to the W’ia military camp, where typically they were beaten. Some were
held for as long as two years before being reassigned to their units. At one detention
facility outside Asmara, authorities continued to hold detainees in an underground hall
with no access to light or ventilation and sometimes in very crowded conditions.”
[3b] (section 1c)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention; Arrest and detention - legal rights
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DEMOBILISATION
9.53 The Proclamation on National Service allows for demobilisation. The relevant article of
the Proclamation is Article 20, which states t hat except for cases pr ovided for in Article
21(1), citizens who have completed Active National Service are allowed to be
discharged from duty. Also, citizens on Active National Service may be discharged
before the end of the term of their Active National Service. The Ministry of Defence has
the responsibility to issue citizens discharged from Active National Service with relevant
certification. [13] (National Service Proclamation of 23 October 1995)
9.54 The Oslo Centre 2009 report stated that “since the start of the Eritrea-Ethiopian war in
1998, national service recruits have been kept in the army for an indefinite period, as no
demobilisation has taken place.” [19] (p94)
9.55 The United Stat es State Department Background Note on Eritrea , published on 22
October 2010, provided detailed information about the demobilization programme:
“In 1993, Eritrea embarked on a phased program to demobilize 50%-60% of the army,
which had by then shrunk to about 95,000. During the first phase of demobilization in
1993, some 26,000 soldiers - most of who enlisted after 1990 - were demobilized. The
second phase of demobilization, which occurred the following year, demobilized more
than 17,000 soldiers who had joined the EPLF before 1990 and in many cases had
seen considerable combat experience. Many of these fighters had spent their entire
adult lives in the EPLF and lacked the social, personal, and vocational skills to become
competitive in the work place. As a result, they received higher compensation, more
intensive training, and more psychological counseling than the first group. Special
attention was given to women fighters, who made up some 30% of the EPLF's combat
troops. By 1998, the army had shrunk to 47,000.
“The moves to demobilize were abruptly reversed after the outbreak of the 1998-2000
war with Ethiopia over the contested border. During the war, which is estimated to have PDF page 49
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49
resulted in well over 100,000 casualties on the two sides, Eritrea's armed forces
expanded to close to 300,000 members, almost 10% of the population. This imposed a
huge economic burden on the country. The war ended with a cessation of hostilities
agreement in June 2000, followed by a peace agreement signed in December of the
same year. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimates that the economy shrank
by more than 8% in 2000, although it rebounded somewhat in 2001.
“The government has been slow to demobilize its military after the end of the conflict,
although it formulated an ambitious demobilization plan with the participation of the
World Bank. A pilot demobilization program involving 5,000 soldiers began in November
2001 and was to be followed immediately thereafter by a first phase in which some
65,000 soldiers would be demobilized. This was delayed repeatedly. In 2003, the
government began to demobilize some of those slated for the first phase; however, the
government maintains a ‘national service’ program, which includes most of the male
population between 18-40 and the female population between 18-27.” [3a]
9.56 Demobilisation does not exem pt individuals from national service altogether, as noted in
an Awate report dated 14 March 2010:
“A plan to demobilize 200,000 soldiers, about two-thirds of the wartime army, started
only tentatively and soon stalled…instead, the government in May 2002 announced a
virtual extension of the open-ended national service system by announcing a new
mobilization drive termed the ‘Warsai-Yikealo development campaign’ (WYDC)…even
those formally demobilized, provided they are still physically fit, remain members of the
National Reserve Army and are frequently called up for military refresher courses or
even renewed active military service or duty in the militarized work service.” [27e] (Awate
- Colonels and Teachers: The Ravages of Militarized Education in Eritrea, 14 March
2010)
See also Armed forces
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10. J UDICIARY
ORGANISATION
10.01 The Lasting Struggle for Freedom in Eritrea report, published by the Oslo Centre for
Peace and Human Rights in October 2009, provided the following information about the
organisation of the judiciary in Eritrea:
“In principle, Eritrea has three types of courts, although their separate jurisdictions may
at times be blurred: civil (three levels, including community and shari’a courts), military
(two levels), and the special court. Furthermore, there are indications that there exists a
parallel secret system of extra-judicial sentencing of political prisoners that is not
anchored in any laws or presidential decrees.
“The civil court structure in Eritrea has three levels of authority. The Community Court
system was formally established in 2001 to ease the pressure on the higher courts. It
has a single-judge bench system filled by elected judges who hold jurisdiction over
cases relating to minor infractions of the law, involving sums of less than approximately
US$7300 (110,000 nakfa). The elected judges do not have any formal legal training, but PDF page 50
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base their decisions on traditions of customary law in the area in which they serve. It is
reported, however, that magistrates versed in criminal law also hear criminal cases at
the level of the community courts. All decisions made by the community courts may be
appealed to provincial (zoba) courts. Most people’s only contact with the legal system is
with the traditional community courts. As the higher levels of the Eritrean judiciary are
wholly inept and politically corrupted, the importance of the customary law-based village
courts as providers of justice is increasing.
“The Zoba court is generally the court of first instance. It has civil, criminal, and
shari’a benches. All first instance cases are heard by a single-judge bench system, but
the Zoba Court has a three-judge appellate bench that hears cases appealed from
determinations made by the Labour Office on employer-employee relations. The shari’a
bench adjudicates matters of personal status of followers of Islam only. Decisions
rendered by any of the benches at the zoba court can be appealed to the appropriate
benches at the High Court.
“The High Court, although primarily an appellate court, is the court of first instance for a
significant proportion of cases involving murder, rape, and other serious felonies. It has
a three-judge bench system with jurisdiction in civil, criminal and commercial cases, and
shari’a benches. Eritrea also has a five-judge bench that hears final appeals in lieu of a
Supreme Court. Although at the same level of all other benches in the High Court, the
final appeals panel functions much as a Supreme Court does and it is the bench of last
resort. The president of this bench is the President of the High Court and four other
judges from the other benches at the High Court. The President of the High Court
functions as Chief Justice.
“Although serving the civilian community, civil courts judges include former senior
military officers with no formal legal training. Judges are routinely appointed and
dismissed at the will of the government; despite the constitutional requirement that such
actions are supposed to be based on the recommendations of an independent Judicial
Service Commission (Articles 52 and 53 of the Constitution). Such a commission has
yet to be established in the country.
“The Military Court has jurisdiction over penal cases brought against members of the
armed forces in addition to crimes committed by and against the members of the armed
forces. The presiding judges in the Military Court are all senior military officers. The
Court is structured in two levels (higher and lower); the jurisdiction of these two levels
depends on the seriousness of the offences in question. Neither level, however, affords
the right of appeal to the accused. The higher level of the Military Court is part of the
Eritrean High Court…the Specia l Court was established in 1996 by President Isaias
Afwerki, in the aftermath of Eritrea’s first publicly known corruption scandal in the mid
1990s, involving officials in the EPLF-owned Red Sea Trading Corporation. The statute
or law for the establishment of the Special Court is not available, and no published
records of its procedures or cases are available, as the court generally operates in
secrecy…the judges of the Special Court are predominantly senior military officers and
EPLF commanders hand-picked by the President and accountable to his office only.
Their recruitment to the Court is likely to be based on personal affiliations and loyalty to
the President, and their proven ‘toughness’ in disciplining their troops. There are no
formal requirements of judicial training or competence, and many of the judges have
little or no legal training whatsoever. It is not known how many ‘benches’ operate under
the Special Court. PDF page 51
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51
“The Special Court is an executive-controlled separate jurisdiction, not under the
authority of the President of the High Court. The Office of the Attorney-General decides
which cases are to be tried by a Special Court. The Court primarily has jurisdiction over
criminal cases involving capital offences, theft, embezzlement, and corruption, and
other unspecified abuses by government, and party officials. The Special Courts also
issues directives to other courts regarding administrative matters…individuals arrested
under the Special Court are kept in detention incommunicado, usually in a secret
location, and there is no time limit on pre-trial detention. After the Court has decided
upon a case, the detainee is transferred to an official prison or one of the many
detention camps scattered throughout Eritrea. All decisions passed by the court are final
and binding, as there is no appellate court. However, reportedly, in rare instances,
appeals made to the Office of the President have resulted in Special Courts rehearing
certain cases.” [19] (pages 40-43)
10.02 The quoted information above indicates that community courts were set up in 2001 but
a report, dated 7 November 2006, published on the Shaebia webs ite, stated that they
were set up in 2003:
“Since being officially established three years ago, community courts have helped
thousands of people from traveling long distances, and the magistrates elected by the
people have been commended on successfully accomplishing their jobs in spite of
obstacles faced.
“A community court is composed of three judges, all having the same power in voting.
For documenting purposes however, at least one of the three has to be literate.
“It is to be recalled that the government launched on November 1, 2003 under
Proclamation 132/2003 community courts with a two-year term of office that could
formally resolve cases according to the customs and practices of the community.” [44b]
10.03 An academic study paper by Dr. Robert Winslow (undated, accessed on 4 February
2011) published by the San Diego State University (United States) stated:
“The judicial system has three parts: civilian, military, and special courts. The civilian
court system consists of village courts, subregional courts, regional courts, and the High
Court, which also serves as an appellate court…under the legal system, minor
infractions are brought to village courts and subregional courts. More serious offenses
are argued before regional courts, and cases involving murder, rape, and other serious
felonies are heard by the High Court. All cases except those argued before the High
Court are heard by a single judge; on the High Court, panels of three judges hear
cases…since the population is largely rural, most citizens only have contact with the
legal system through the traditional village courts. Village judges, who are appointed by
a panel composed of heads of regional courts, the regional prosecutor, and the regional
governor, hear civil cases. Magistrates versed in criminal law hear criminal cases. Many
local issues - for example, property disputes and most petty crimes - are adjudicated by
local elders according to customary law. Where both litigants are Muslims, civil cases
are heard under Shari'a law. The traditional courts cannot impose sentences involving
physical punishment.” [72]
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INDEPENDENCE
10.04 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“The law and unimplemented constitution provide for an independent judiciary;
however, the judiciary was weak and subject to executive control [during 2009]. Judicial
corruption remained a problem. The judicial process was influenced by patronage of
former fighters who in many cases were judges themselves. Executive control of the
judiciary continued; the Office of the President served as a clearinghouse for citizens'
petitions to the courts or acted for the courts as arbitrators or facilitators in civil matters.”
[3b] (section 1e)
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FAIR TRIAL
10.05 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that:
“The judiciary suffered from a lack of trained personnel, inadequate funding, and poor
infrastructure that limited the government's ability to grant accused persons a speedy
and fair trial. Public trials were held, but no cases involving individuals detained for
national security or political reasons were brought to trial. The drafting into national
service of many civilian court administrators, defendants, judges, lawyers, and others
involved in the legal system continued to have a significant negative impact on the
judiciary. The government has not issued licenses to lawyers wishing to enter private
practice for ten years.” [3b] (section 1e)
See also Constitution
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11. A RREST AND DETENTION – LEGAL RIGHTS
11.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“The law stipulates that detainees must be brought before a judge within 48 hours of
arrest and may not be held more than 28 days without being charged with a crime. In
practice [the] authorities often detained suspects for much longer periods. The law
stipulates that unless there is a ‘crime in progress,’ police must conduct an investigation
and obtain a warrant prior to making an arrest. In cases involving national security, this
process may be waived. In practice very few individuals were arrested with a warrant.
Authorities did not promptly inform detainees of charges against them and often
changed the charges during detention. Detainees in prisons often did not have access
to counsel or appear before a judge. Incommunicado detention was widespread,
although detainees in police stations generally had access to legal representation and
family members. Authorities provided indigent detainees with counsel on an irregular
basis. There was a functioning bail system, except for persons charged with national
security crimes or crimes that could carry the death penalty.” [3b] (section 1d) PDF page 53
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See also Detention of national service and military service conscripts; Arbitrary arrest
and detention
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12. P RISON AND DETENTION CENTRE CONDITIONS
12.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, provided the following information about prison conditions:
“Prison conditions remained harsh and in some cases life threatening [in 2009]. Severe
overcrowding was common. There were reports that prisoners were held in
underground cells or in shipping containers with little or no ventilation in extreme
temperatures. The shipping containers were reportedly not large enough to allow all of
those incarcerated together to lie down at the same time. Other prisoners were held in
cement-lined underground bunkers with no ventilation. Up to 200 prisoners were held in
each bunker, and some prisoners passed out from the extreme heat…there were
several unofficial detention centers, most located in military camps and used as
overflow detention centers following mass arrests and roundups. There were reports
that detention center conditions for persons temporarily held for evading military service
were also harsh and life threatening. Allegations from various sources suggested there
may be hundreds of such detainees. Draft evaders were reportedly sent to the Wi'a
military camp, where typically they were beaten. Some were held as long as two years
before being reassigned to their units. At one detention facility outside Asmara,
authorities continued to hold detainees in an underground hall with no access to light or
ventilation and sometimes in very crowded conditions.” [3b] (section 1c)
12.02 Regarding prison conditi ons, the Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report, published on
24 January 2011, stated that:
“Torture and other forms of cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment in detention are
routine. Former detainees report that detention almost always included severe beatings,
often leading to permanent bodily harm. Punishments also entail mock drowning, being
hung by the arms from trees, and being tied up in the sun in contorted positions for
hours or days.
“Poor detention conditions often amount to torture. Many prisoners are held in unlit
underground bunkers and in shipping containers with broiling daytime and freezing
nighttime temperatures. A woman with deep visible scars from beatings in detention told
a BBC reporter in 2010 she had been held 23 hours a day in an underground cell in
‘unbearable’ heat and made to walk on sharp rocks and thorns for an hour each day.”
[29b] (p2)
12.03 The Suwera Centre for Human Rights report, The State of Human Rights in Eritrea
2008, published in August 2009, stated the following about prison conditions:
“There are no health facilities in Eritrean prisons especially at the secret locations.
Prisoners do not get any medical attention even if they suffered from serious diseases
which caused many deaths which remained secret. The prisoners are made to sleep on
the ground or on small thin mats of woven palm leaves. Many are not allowed to use a PDF page 54
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pillow or any cover and this causes back and muscular ailments and pain for a long
time.
“Provision of food to prisoners consists of two little meals served daily without meat or
vegetables. This makes the prisoners prone to many diseases due to malnutrition in
addition to the physical and mental torture they were systematically subjected to and the
denial to see their families. Some of the prisoners are detained in solitary confinement
which makes it worse, besides they do not know for how long they will be detained.”
[5] (pages 24-25)
12.04 As regards prison visits by NGOs and rela tives of prisoners, t he United States State
Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“During the year [2009] the government did not permit the ICRC [International
Committee of the Red Cross] or any local human rights organizations to monitor prison
conditions. Since the shutdown of the repatriation program during the year [2009], the
government also denied the ICRC access to Ethiopian prisoners of war detained in the
country…authorities generally permitted convicted criminals in prisons three visits per
week by family members; however, persons detained, arrested, or convicted for
reasons of national security or for evading national service were denied family visits.”
[3b] (section 1c)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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LOCATION OF PRISONS AND DETENTION CENTRES
12.05 The HRW 2009 Service for Life report, published on 16 April 2009, stated:
“The total number of prisons in Eritrea is a mystery. Eritrea has a formidable network of
detention facilities, some of which are well known, and others secret, some authorized,
and others not…keeping track of a ll the detention facilities is extremely difficult because
each town and administrative district in Eritrea has a jail; wherever there is a police post
[there] is a cell; and each military division has its own prison. In addition, there are
secret facilities about which many rumors exist, such as Eiraeiro, where members of the
G15 are thought to be held…underground facilitie s were reported at Sawa, Track B, Mai
Serwa, Haddis Ma’asker, Aderser, Alla, and Dahlak, among others. There are multiple
prisons in Camp Sawa, including several underground cells.” [29c] (p34)
12.06 The following is a list of places of detention in alphabet ical order that have been
mentioned in sources accesse d. The list should not be regarded as a complete or
comprehensive list of all the Eritrean detention facilities:
Aderser. Military camp/training centre, located 25 km from Sawa camp. [29c] (p93)
(Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009).
Adi Abeto . Main prison for Asmara; also used as a processing centre to send
prisoners elsewhere. Situated 10 to 15 km north east of Asmara, off the road to Keren.
[29c] (p93) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009). Amnesty
International reported that Ad i Abeto was the init ial detention facility for the Maltese
returns of 2002: women, children and those ov er the military service age of 40 were PDF page 55
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detained for several weeks, but the militar y deserters were held incommunicado and
tortured, before being transferred to Dahlek Kebir. [6c] (p23) (Amnesty International - You
have no right to ask , May 2004) . Shipping containers were reported as being used as
punishment blocks in this facility. [6c] (p16) (Amnesty International - You have no right to
ask, May 2004). In April 2008, Awate reported:
“The two story building generally functions as a holding bin, a ‘referral jail.’ Nearly five
hundred prisoners are held there: those who have the resources are able to buy their
freedom by paying the penalty fee, which generally ends up in the pockets of a colonel
or a general. Those who do not have the means are sent to other prisons, like Track B
[Tract B], an underground prison or, if they are in the military, they are referred to the
military units, where they serve their terms. There is no court hearing, no police case
and no documentation.” [27a] (Awate - Eritrea’s food security: theory vs practice, 7 April
2008)
Adi Keih town prison. AI has reported this prison was used as an initial detention
facility for draft evaders. [6f] (Amnesty International - Fear of torture or ill-
treatment/incommunicado detention/detention without charge, 28 July 2005)
Adi Quala or Adi Qala. Military prison. Located 40 km north of Ethiopian border, off the
main road from Asmara through Mendefera. [29c] (p93) (Human Rights Watch Service for
Life report, April 2009).
Agip, Asmara. The location, according to Reporters Without Borders, of eight of the
nine state media journalists arrested in November 2006. “Located behind the ‘Capitol’
cinema and opposite the presidential palace, this complex is ‘where the police take
detainees to torture them before transferring t hem to their final destination,’ a former
detainee told Reporte rs without Borders.” [20a] (Reporters Without Borders, Eight state
media journalists still held in police-run “Agip” centre in Asmara, 30 November 2006).
Alla or Ala . Located 40 km from Asmara, near Dekemhare town. [29c] (p93) (Human
Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009). Shipping co ntainers were reported as
being used as punishment blocks in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have
no right to ask, May 2004).
Assab Front (aka ‘Gimbar’). Military prison in Assab. [29c] (p93) (Human Rights Watch
Service for Life report, April 2009).
Baharia Naval Base. Military facility in Massawa. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch
Service for Life report, April 2009).
Barantu. Civilian prison. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April
2009.
Dahlek Kebir . Maximum security civilian prison. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch
Service for Life report, April 2009). Detention and prison facilities built on the main
Dahlek island in the Red Sea, with a capacity for 800 pris oners, and comprising eight
large sheet-metal buildings. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask , May
2004).
Duarwa. Located south of Asmara, on the road to Adi Quala before Adi Ugri. [29c] (p94)
(Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009). PDF page 56
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Eiraeiro. Filfil-Selomuna area north of the Asma ra-Massawa road. A ‘secret’ prison for
political prisoners. It was purpose-built in 2003, receiving t he G15/G11 political
prisoners from Embatkala in June 2003. It is reported to be comprised of five main
blocks, with two main cell blocks, and 62 rooms used as cells; the standard cell size is 3
x 3 metres. An Awate article claims there are 36 political prisoners, and names most of
them, giving their cell numbers. Conditions are basic, and pr isoners are chained and in
solitary confinement. A total of 150 guards and staff operate the prison. The guards are
heavily vetted and monitored. [27j] (Awate - The obscure and tragic end of the G-15 ,
31 August 2006).
Galaalo military camp. Located on the Red Sea coast. Deat hs of conscripted students
were reported in August 2001. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask ,
May 2004).
Gedem prison. Located 40 km south of Massawa. It is alleged that prisoners in this
prison have been used to build a naval base. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service
for Life report, April 2009).
Ghatelay (Ghatielay). Military labour camp. Located about 40 to 45 km north west of
Asmara, off main road to Massawa. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life
report, April 2009).
Haddis Ma’askar. An army prison equipped with underground cells. [6c] (Amnesty
International - You have no right to ask, May 2004). It is located near Gyrmayka, on the
Sudanese border. [17f] (United Nations IRIN - Eritrea: Another journalist detained ,
7 August 2002)
Halhalas. Sub-provincial prison. Located 45 km from Asmara. Specifically for persons
caught trying to cross the border. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report,
April 2009).
Kambo Ndafurstale. Military jail located in Sanafe town. Military jail. [29c] (p94) (Human
Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009).
Klima. Situated near Assab. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report,
April 2009).
Mai Edaga. Located in Decamhare town. Shipping containers were reported as being
used as punishment blocks in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right
to ask, May 2004).
Mai Srwa . Prison outside Asmara. Used for the det ention of political prisoners and
Pentecostal pastors. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009).
Mai Temenei . An army prison equip ped with underground cells. [6c] (Amnesty
International - You have no right to ask , May 2004) . In May 2008, the camp was
mentioned as a detention centre for Ethiopian women detained circa 21 May 2008, in a
facility named as “the E nda Seal (TB Center)”. [27g] (Awate - Eritrea’s prisoners of
conscience get a voice at the UN, 22 May 2008)
Metkelabet. Military prison belonging to the 32 division, located between Massawa and
Asmara. [29c] (p94) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009). PDF page 57
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57
Meiter. An Awate report dated 10 July 2008 pr ovided information about Meiter as a
detention centre:
“Of all the prisons they have designed, Meiter is the most inaccessible locality so far.
Anyone once taken to Meiter will never ever be able either to communicate with his kin
or flee from the place. It is so far from the nearest towns and too arid that even if you
are allowed to go on your own, you will come back for fear of death due to thirst. These
returnees, even if allowed to meet with their family for a fraction of a second, will move
to that place in due time. The PFDJ will try any means to hoodwink the public till those
remaining in Libya and Egypt come back. After all of them arrive, Meiter will be full to
capacity.” [27i) (Awate, How the PFDJ treats voluntary and involuntary returnees, 10 July
2008).
Nakhura Island. Maximum security prison; part of the Dahlak complex of prisons. [29c]
(p95) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009).
Prima 1+2. Military prison. [29c] (p95) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April
2009).
Sawa Military Training Camp . Located along Sawa River, in far western Eritrea near
the border with Sudan, about 10 km south of the road mi dway between Sebderat and
Hawashayt. [29c] (p95) (Human Rights Watch Service for Life report, April 2009). The
complex includes the prison ca mp of Brigade Six, comprising temporary barracks built
on a hilltop to the right of t he main camp. According to the testimony of an ex-prisoner,
“Sawa prison is made entirely of tin material …” and thus hot in the day and cold at
night. It comprises of 12 tin barrack blo cks. Malnutrition, poor hygiene and lack of
medical attention reported, wit h high levels of infections and diseases associated with
poor living conditions. [27f] (Awate - Testimony: ex-prisoner of Brigade Six, Sawa , 25
April 2006).
Sembel prison . Located in Asmara. An officially designated prison for political
prisoners. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, May 2004).
Tehadasso. Military prison. Shipping container s were reported as being used as
punishment blocks in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask ,
May 2004).
Tessenei. Military prison, classified as a ‘rehabili tation centre’. Allegations of torture,
beatings and general abuse re ported in this facility. [6c] (Amnesty International - You
have no right to ask, May 2004).
“Tract B”. Military prison. It comprises of a former US storage facility near Asmara
airport. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask , May 2004). In late 2002,
some EPLF veterans among the Maltese retu rnees were separated out at Adi Abeto
and then sent to Tract B prison. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask ,
May 2004).
Tsererat. Military prison. “Mainly for EPLF ve terans, held in underground cells.” [6c]
(Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, May 2004).
Wengel Mermera (Wenjel Mirmera). The AI May 2004 report st ated that it is a special
security section in the 2nd police station, Asmara. [6c] (Amnesty International - You have PDF page 58
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no right to ask , May 2004) . A report published in the Asmarino website described
Wengel Mermera as a “…crime investigat ion unit maximum security prison.” [68b]
(Asmarino - Eritrea continues to hold thousands of prisoners of faith, 11 March 2010)
. Wi’ya/W’ia/Wieh. Military camp/training centre, located on the Red Sea coast about 40
km south east of Massawa, off the road to Assab. [29c] (p95) (Human Rights Watch
Service for Life report, April 2009).
An Awate report dated 3 October 2007 provided details: “Wia is not a single camp. It
represents a cluster of several camps, in cluding one used exclusively as a detention
center. Among the commanders in Wia are: Lt. Col. Jemal, Lt. Co l. Weddi Haile and
Capt. Ramadan…it holds two large groups of Eritreans protesting unjust laws: military
conscription escapees/evaders and members of banned churches.” [27d] (Awate -
Scores of Eritreans die at W’ia, 3 October 2007).
See also the Annex in the 2009 Human Rights Watch report, Service for Life - State
Repression and Indefinite Conscription in Eritrea:
http://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/reports/eritrea0409web_0.pdf
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13. D EATH PENALTY
13.01 As regards the death penalt y, the Amnesty International Death Sentences and
Executions 2009 report, published in March 2010, classed Eritrea as one of those
“…countries which retain the death penalty fo r ordinary crimes such as murder but can
be considered abolitionist in practice in t hat they have not exec uted anyone during the
past 10 years and are believed to have a policy or established practice of not carrying
out executions.” [6a]
13.02 A report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the United Nations Human
Rights Council for the purposes of a United Nations Universal Periodic Review stated:
“In Eritrea, the death penalty is applied with extreme caution. It is the mandate of the
Ministry of Justice to forward the judgments where death penalty is pronounced,
together with its opinions, to the President of the State of Eritrea. The President of the
State of Eritrea may remit or commute the sentence. The Constitution of Eritrea
guarantees against deprivation of life without due process of law. The Transitional Penal
Code of Eritrea, on its part, provides that a sentence of death may not be passed except
in cases where there are no extenuating circumstances. It further provides that the
death penalty may not be pronounced on any person who commits an offence under the
age of eighteen years or in a state of limited responsibility. In the case of a prisoner who
is seriously ill, carrying out execution of the sentence is prohibited while that prisoner
continues to be in that state. In the case of [a] convicted woman who is pregnant or
have [sic] children less than three years of age the sentence is commuted to rigorous
imprisonment for life.” [73a]
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14. P OLITICAL AFFILIATION PDF page 59
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59
FREEDOM OF POLITICAL EXPRESSION
14.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea noted that
“…the law and unimplemented constitution provi de citizens with the right to change their
government peacefully; however, citizens were not allowed to exerci se this right in
practice.” [3b] (section 3)
FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION AND ASSEMBLY
14.02 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that
“…the law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of assembly and
association; however, the government did not permit either. For gatherings of more than
three persons, the government required those assembling to obtain a permit, although
this requirement was enforced sporadically.” [3b] (section 2b)
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OPPOSITION GROUPS AND POLITICAL ACTIVISTS
14.03 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided an analysis of the political opposition:
“Political debate and pluralism have rarely flourished in Eritrea: briefly in the late 1940s;
as part of the underground nationalist movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s; and
then even more briefly in 2000-2001. The EPLF [Eritrean People’s Liberation Front] is
the product of a splinter opposition movement to the then-dominant ELF. The civil war
between the ELF [Eritrean Liberation Front] and EPLF confirmed in the minds of its
leadership that there was no room for debate and dissent in the vortex of violent
competing nationalisms and in the face of the powerful Ethiopian enemy. Therefore, the
EPLF permitted no other liberation front to operate within the country, just as it accepted
no disunity within its own ranks. Once driven into Sudan in 1981 and then scattered into
European and North American exile, however, the ELF spawned a range of movements
that opposed the EPLF from abroad. While some fighters and factions rejoined the
EPLF in the late 1980s, the rest remained firmly outside the political fold.
“There consequently has always been a broad opposition outside the country, ranging
from branches of the ELF; to ethnocentric ‘liberation’ organisations (notably Kunama
and Afar); to new parties fronted by former EPLF leaders and other dissidents in exile.
These remain divided. Some advocate constitutional, negotiated transition and thus a
degree of engagement with the EPLF; others call for renewal of armed struggle. There
are also starkly different perceptions of the regime, whether as a Tigrinya dictatorship or
a manifestation of Christian hegemony. Thus, there are sometimes sharp
disagreements between Tigrinya highlanders in exile - especially those associated with
the armed struggle - and Muslims - especially those from or purporting to represent the
lowlands. There are likewise disagreements over leadership and structure.
“No legal opposition party or broad opposition movement exists - yet - in the country.
Hostility to the government is manifest in silent, fearful, brooding disengagement from
the state and tacit withdrawal of support from the tegadelay [“EPLF fighter” (Tigrinyan)]
generation. Yet, despite the deep disillusionment and low morale, overseas opposition
parties are regarded somewhat sceptically. Ordinary citizens are not yet persuaded that PDF page 60
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any of them would significantly improve their lot. Many believe the leaders of some of
these movements are cut from much the same cloth as the president and are at the
least unsure of their democratic credentials…the only opposition movement of any
significance which operates inside Eritrea, at least part of the time, is Eritrean Islamic
Jihad (EIJ), an armed, radical Islamic front. Founded in the early 1980s, it enjoyed the
support of both the Sudanese government and Osama bin Laden in the 1990s. It
continues to operate covertly at a relatively low level in the western lowlands and
northern mountains. Until the recent thaw in relations with Sudan, Asmara regularly
accused Khartoum of providing support and bases to enable it to cross the remote
border with ease. Despite the low-level of its activities, EIJ has potential to tap into the
alienation of young Muslims, who are increasingly aggrieved at state interference in
Muslim institutions, land alienation, the economic domination of highlanders (especially
in the western lowlands), the state’s refusal to recognise Arabic as an official language,
the lack of Muslim representation in the upper echelons of the political and military
leadership and the recruitment of Muslim women into the army.” [18] (pages 12-13)
14.04 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“There were no confirmed reports of political prisoners; however, several hundred
individuals were detained beginning in 2001 for political reasons. Many were perceived
to have ties to political dissidents or were believed to have spoken against government
actions. Most of these detainees had not been tried and did not have access to legal
counsel. The ICRC was not authorized to visit these detainees, and no information was
available of their condition or circumstances of detention.” [3b] (section 1e)
14.05 The United Nations High Co mmissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers from Eritrea, published
in April 2009 (UNHCR 2009 re port), stated: “The unimplemented Eritrean Constitution
guarantees to every citizen the right to form organizations for political ends. The
People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ), which came to power in 1993 by
popular referendum, is however the only authorized political party. As a result,
opposition groups have been driven out of the country and, since late 2004, operate
only in exile.” [32a] (p20)
14.06 The UNHCR 2009 report added:
“Opposition groups abroad, most of which are based in neighbouring Ethiopia and
Sudan, are split into two major affiliations, namely (i) the Democratic Party, which has
agreed a common set of objectives with two older parties (the Eritrean Liberation Front
(ELF) and the Eritrean Liberation Front - Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC), a splinter
group of the ELF); and (ii) the Eritrean National Alliance (ENA), an umbrella
organisation consisting of several and varied opposition groups. Some of these groups
broadcast radio and television programmes to Eritrea via satellite, and maintain active
websites highly critical of the Eritrean Government.” [32a] (p20-21)
14.07 The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook section on Er itrea (updated 12
January 2011) lists the names of various opposition groups:
“Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) [HAGOS, Mesfin]; Eritrean Islamic Jihad or EIJ
(includes Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement or EIJM also known as the Abu Sihel
Movement); Eritrean Islamic Salvation or EIS (also known as the Arafa Movement);
Eritrean Liberation Front or ELF [ABDULLAH Muhammed]; Eritrean National Alliance or PDF page 61
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61
ENA (a coalition including EIJ, EIS, ELF, and a number of ELF factions) [HERUY Tedla
Biru]; Eritrean Public Forum or EPF [ARADOM Iyob].” [1]
14.08 An Asmarino report, dated 9 April 2009, stated that Mesf in Hagos resigned from his
post as head of the Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP) in April 2009. The Central Council
of the EDP elected Tesfamichael Yohannes to be the new head of the party. [68c]
14.09 An Awate report, dated 9 May 2010, provi ded information about recent developments
concerning the political opposition:
“On May 4, 2010, eight member organizations of the Eritrean Democratic Alliance
(EDA), an umbrella organization of Eritrean opposition forces, signed a memorandum of
understanding to unify their military wings under one command.
“The eight signatories are:
(1) Eritrean Federal Democratic Movement (EFDM); (2) Eritrean Islamic Party for
Justice and Development (EIPJD); (3) Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF, also known as
‘Jebha’); (4) Eritrean People’s Congress (EPC); (5) Democratic Movement for the
Liberation of Eritrean Kunama (DMLEK); (6) Red Sea Afar Democratic Organization
(RSADO); (7) Eritrean National Salvation Front (ENSF, also known as ‘Dehnet’ or
‘Inqaz’); and (8) Eritrean People’s Democratic Front (EPDF, also known as ‘Sagem’).
Two additional member organizations of the EDA, the Eritrean Islamic Congress (EIC)
and the Eritrean Nahda Party (Nahda), which do not have military wings, have agreed,
in principle, with the memorandum of understanding.
“The agreement is a culmination of a sustained campaign by the constituencies and
sympathizers of the organizations who, for over a decade, appealed to the leadership to
eschew multiplication of fronts and work towards unity. After initiating many ‘confidence-
building’ baby steps, the political organizations have been, of late, conducting
coordinated military campaigns which are regularly announced in their websites.” [27k]
See also Political system; Women - political rights; Annex B Political Organisations
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15. F REEDOM OF SPEECH AND MEDIA
15.01 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea summarised
the situation regarding freedom of speech and media in Eritrea:
“The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of speech and of the
press; however, the government severely restricted these rights in practice. Citizens did
not have the right to criticize their government in public or in private, and some who did
so were arrested or detained. The private press remained banned, and most
independent journalists remained in detention or had fled the country, which effectively
prevented any public and media criticism of the government. All journalists practiced
self-censorship due to fear of government reprisal.
“The government attempted to impede criticism and took reprisals against persons who
criticized government officials or policies. During the year [2009] persons were arrested PDF page 62
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for publicly complaining about poverty. The government monitored meetings within the
country and abroad. The government also continued to forbid free speech. In an
October [2009] interview with Reuters, the president stated that he would not allow
independent media to operate in Eritrea.” [3b] (section 2a)
15.02 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, provided an overview of freedom of the press and media:
“Eritrea is regarded as one of the worst offenders in terms of press freedom. No
independent media has been permitted since 2001…today, only state-run media
operate, including the newspapers Hadas Eritrea (Tigrinya); Eritrea al-Hadisa (Arabic);
the Eritrea Profile (English); the television channel EriTV; a radio station (Dimtsi Hafash,
‘voice of the masses’); and the website Shaebia.org. Other publications and news
services are controlled by the government. All produce carefully-vetted material and
militaristic propaganda. Journalists at the information ministry - often largely untrained
national service personnel - are closely monitored, not least because they occasionally
flee the country. The ministry is the voice of the state, and its head, Ali Abdu, is
sometimes seen as being groomed as a possible successor to Isaias [Afewerki] There
are few foreign journalists. Those who make it through the rigorous accreditation
process find their movements highly restricted; when they become too critical, they are
‘frozen’ or expelled. Internet and email are closely monitored, though Eritreans
frequently access opposition websites.
“The 1996 Press Law was supposed to guarantee a free media, but it also made clear
that no outlet should produce material which promoted dissension and division or might
‘disturb the peace’. The government can intervene at any time to prevent the
dissemination of ‘undesirable’ material.” [18] (p16)
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RESTRICTIONS ON THE MEDIA
15.03 Regarding Eritrea’s broadcasting and print media, the Un ited States St ate Department
2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“The government controlled all media, which included three newspapers, three radio
stations, and two television stations. The law does not allow private ownership of
broadcast or other media. The government banned the import of foreign publications
without prior approval; however, individuals were permitted to purchase satellite dishes
and subscribe to international media. The government had to approve publications
distributed by religious or international organizations before their release, and the
government continued to restrict the right of religious media to comment on politics or
government policies. The press law forbids reprinting of articles from banned
publications. The government also required diplomatic missions to submit all press
releases for approval before their publication in the government media.
“Unlike in 2008, the government permitted only one reporter representing a foreign
news organization, Reuters, to operate in the country; however, the government did not
grant permission for the reporter to travel outside the capital. In February 2008 the
government created administrative obstacles for the Agence-France Presse (AFP)
international journalist resulting in his forced departure. AFP had not been allowed to PDF page 63
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63
return to the country since. The president occasionally conducted interviews with foreign
news agencies invited specifically for the interview.” [3b] (section 2a)
15.04 The BBC Eritrea Country Profile , updated on 30 November 2010, lists the state press
agencies as: Hadas Eritrea (published three da ys a week); Eritrea Profile (government-
owned English language weekly paper); Tirigta (pro-government youth weekly) and
Geled (youth weekly); Eri-TV (state television); Voice of the Br oad Masses of Eritrea
(Dimtsi Hafash) (state-run radio networks); Radio Zara (state-run FM network); and
Erina (Eritrean state news agency). [25b]. Eritrea Alhaditha and Er itrea Haddas are also
Eritrean newspapers, according to the Erit rean government Shabait website (accessed
on 22 February 2011). [46g] (Shabait Index Page)
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INTERNET
15.05 A Reporters Without Borders report, published on 12 March 2010, about government
restrictions on the use of the Internet stated that:
“The [Eritrean] regime has proven reluctant to accept Internet growth, fearing the Web’s
potential for disseminating independent information. The population might benefit from
too broad an access to the external world and to foreign-based opposition. In this last
African country to connect to the Net, the penetration rate hovers around 3%. In other
words, virtually all of the population is excluded from the digital era. The government
has chosen not to increase bandwidth speed - a major technical barrier to connection.
…the country’s four service providers have obtained a licence from the Ministry of
Information. They all must use the infrastructures of EriTel, which rents them its
bandwidth and works in direct cooperation with the Ministries of Information and
National Development. This has made network surveillance an easy task. When the
regime feels threatened in periods of social unrest or during an international event that
concerns it, the EriTel telecommunications firm, which owns the network’s
infrastructure, does not hesitate - when so ordered by Eritrean authorities - to cut off all
connections to the Internet.
“Although the government has not set up an automatic Internet filtering system, it
nonetheless was not reluctant to order the blocking of several diaspora websites critical
of the government. Access to these sites is blocked by two Internet service providers,
Erson and Ewan, as are pornographic websites and even YouTube. The latter would
require too much bandwidth, and the two ISPs would prefer to allocate it more efficiently
and not have to argue with the government. Skype would be accessible, however.
Sometimes surveillance and self-censorship suffice. The two other Internet service
providers, EriTel and Tifanus, do not block opposition websites, since they know that
the great majority of Eritrean surfers would never dare to openly consult them for fear of
being arrested and imprisoned.
“The few netizens and webmasters who are courageous enough to create or collaborate
on developing an independent website are being threatened and closely monitored.
“The forty-some Internet cafés, most of which are operating in Asmara, the capital, and
in two or three other Eritrean cities, constitute the main access source for the Net,
inasmuch as household use is very expensive and practically non-existent. These cafés PDF page 64
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are watched very closely, particularly during periods of social unrest, or when
compromising news about the regime is circulating abroad. Such was notably the case
when revelations were posted on diaspora websites about the President having a bank
account in China.” [20c]
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JOURNALISTS
15.06 Reporters Without Borders placed Eritrea at last pl ace (178th) in its 2010 World Press
Freedom Index report, published on 20 October 2010. The report stated that:
“Eritrea (178th) is at the very bottom of the world ranking for the fourth year running. At
least 30 journalists and four media contributors are held incommunicado in the most
appalling conditions, without right to a trial and without any information emerging about
their situation. Journalists employed by the state media - the only kind of media
tolerated - have to choose between obeying the information ministry’s orders or trying to
flee the country.” [20b]
15.07 The Sudan Tribune newspaper reported on 10 December 2010 that:
“With at least 17 journalists behind bars, Eritrea imprison[s]…the mo st journalists in
Africa and the third most in the world according to international press freedom watchdog
the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)…‘secret detention centers in the reclusive
Red Sea nation held the most journalists in Africa, an unbroken record for Eritrea since
2001 following the government’s brutal shutdown of the private press and the arrests of
10 editors’, CPJ said.” [57a]
15.08 Reporters Without Borders reported on 17 September 2010 that:
“The Eritrean authorities continue to gag all forms of free expression and recently
arrested another journalist as he was trying to flee the country, Reporters Without
Borders said today, on the eve of the ninth anniversary of the start of a brutal political
purge in Asmara on 18 September 2001…journalist Eyob Kessete [bold in text of
source] of state-owned radio Dimtsi Hafash’s Amharic-language service was arrested at
some point during the past summer as he was trying to cross the border into Ethiopia. It
is not known where he is now being held. After his first arrest for trying to defect at the
start of the summer of 2007, he was held in several prisons until relatives obtained his
release in late 2008 or early 2009 by acting as guarantors.
“The fate of around 20 other imprisoned journalists is still cloaked in the same
oppressive official silence. There is still no news, for example, about Said Abdulhai
[bold in text of source], a journalist who was arrested during the last week of March. It is
still not clear where Swedish-Eritrean journalist Dawit Isaac [bold in text of source] of
the now-closed daily Setit, who was arrested on 23 September 2001 in Asmara, is being
held…the September 2001 round-ups , the closure of all the privately-owned media and
the arrests of the main newspaper publishers began a period of terror from which
Eritrea still has not emerged because of the intolerance and paranoia of its leaders.”
[20d] PDF page 65
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15.09 The Committee to Protect Journalists 2010 Prison Census report, published on 8
December 2010, provided information about t he journalists who had been arrested in
2001:
“Eritrean security forces jailed at least 10 local journalists without charge or trial in the
days after September 18, 2001. The arrests took place less than a week after
authorities effectively shut down the country’s fledgling private press.
“Authorities vaguely accused the journalists of avoiding the country’s compulsory
military service, threatening national security, and failing to observe licensing
requirements. CPJ research indicates that the crackdown was part of a government
drive to crush political dissent ahead of elections scheduled for December 2001, which
were subsequently canceled. The private press had reported on divisions within the
ruling party, the Eritrean People’s Defense Force, and had criticized the increasingly
authoritarian nature of President Isaias Afewerki’s regime.
“The journalists were initially held incommunicado at a police station in Asmara, where
they began a hunger strike on March 31, 2002, and smuggled a message out of jail
demanding due process. The government responded by transferring them to secret
locations and has since refused to divulge their health, whereabouts, or legal status. No
charges, court proceedings, or convictions have ever been publicly disclosed…CPJ has
confirmed that one of the 10 journalists initially arrested has died. Publisher and editor
Fesshaye ‘Joshua’ Yohannes, 47, a 2002 recipient of CPJ’s International Press
Freedom Award, died in custody on an unknown date, several sources confirmed to
CPJ in early 2007.
“At least two reports have said that other journalists also died in custody. In April 2010,
the Ethiopian station Radio Wegahta broadcast an interview with Eyob Bahta
Habtemariam, an Eritrean defector described as a former supervisory guard at two
prisons northeast of Asmara. Habtemariam claimed that extreme heat had taken the life
of Tsigenay editor Ali in 2003, while Keste Debena editor Haile had died from
unspecified maltreatment in 2004. He said Admas editor Abdelkader had taken his own
life in 2003, and that Meqaleh editor Habteab had also died of maltreatment in 2006.
“Emmanuel Hadgo, a spokesman for the Eritrean Information Ministry, told CPJ that
Habtemariam had never worked for the government and that the statements were
untrue. He did not respond directly to the question of whether the journalists were alive.
“An unbylined 2006 report published on several websites, including Aigaforum, a site
considered close to the Ethiopian government, noted the deaths of three detained
journalists. The report cited the deaths of ‘Mr. Yusuf,’ believed by CPJ sources to refer
to Yusuf Mohamed Ali of Tsigenay; ‘Mr. Medhane Tewelde,’ believed to refer to
Medhanie Haile of Keste Debena; and ‘Mr. Said,’ believed to refer to Said Abdelkader of
Admas. Although details of the report could not be independently corroborated, CPJ
sources considered it to be generally credible.” [76]
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16. H UMAN RIGHTS INSTITUTIONS, ORGANISATIONS AND ACTIVISTS
16.01 The Eritrea secti on of Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2010 report, published in
May 2010, stated:
“The government maintains a hostile attitude toward civil society; independent NGOs
are not allowed, and the legitimate role of human rights defenders is not recognized. In
2005, Eritrea enacted legislation to regulate the operations of all NGOs, requiring them
to pay taxes on imported materials, submit project reports every three months, renew
their licenses annually, and meet government-established target levels of financial
resources. International human rights NGOs are barred from the country, and the
government expelled three remaining development NGOs in 2006.” [9a]
16.02 The United States State Department 2 009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“No domestic human rights groups and only four international humanitarian NGOs
(Oxfam, Lutheran World Federation, Catholic Relief Services, and Norwegian Church
Aid) operated in the country [in 2009]; the government interfered with and restricted
their work. Catholic Relief Services began the process of shutting down its office during
the year [2009] after receiving notification it was not in compliance with government
regulations.
“The government allowed three ruling party-aligned domestic rights NGOs - Citizens for
Peace in Eritrea, Eritrea War Disabled Fighters Association, and Vision Eritrea, Inc - to
operate [in 2009]. All NGOs were required to register with the Ministry of Labor and
Human Welfare, but international NGOs were required to maintain 30 million nakfa ($2
million) in a local bank. Many failed to receive government approval under the
registration process and were required to leave the country.
“In 2008 the international NGOs CARE and Dutch Interchurch Aid closed operations
and departed the country, citing obstruction and government harassment. In 2006 the
government asked five NGOs - Mercy Corps, ACCORD, Samaritan’s Purse,
International Rescue Committee, and Concern - to close operations and depart the
country, which they did.
“In previous years the government permitted only the ICRC to operate effectively,
although it limited ICRC operations to repatriation, providing shelter to approximately
500 families displaced by the conflict with Ethiopia, visiting prisons and detention
centers where Ethiopians were held, and providing assistance to IDPs. However, during
the year [2009] the government severely restricted ICRC operations and prevented the
organization from repatriating Ethiopians to Ethiopia and from monitoring the conditions
of Ethiopian prisoners of war.” [3b] (section 5)
16.03 The International Crisis Group report, Eritrea: The Siege State , published on 21
September 2010, stated:
“Independent civil society does not exist in any meaningful way. The party dominates
what passes for the nongovernmental sector. It runs national unions for youths and
students, women and workers, much as during the armed struggle branches of the
EPLF were responsible for socio-economic entities that were to participate in the ‘social
revolution’. No independent civil society groups, trade unions or NGOs are permitted; PDF page 67
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strikes are not allowed under any circumstances; and advocacy or lobby groups cannot
be organised outside PFDJ structures. Leaders of the party unions are carefully vetted.
Religious organisations, both Christian and Muslim, are closely monitored. Their leaders
are cowed and take no public stance on policy or any other social issue. The last time a
senior non-government figure was publicly outspoken was in 2005, when the deeply
revered Patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church criticised state interference in the
church’s affairs. He was stripped of his authority and has been under house arrest ever
since.” [18] (p16)
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17. CORRUPTION
17.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“The law does not provide criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the
government often arrested many individuals it unofficially charged with corruption.
Those arrested under these charges were never tried in court. The World Bank’s 2008
governance indicators reflected that corruption was a problem.
“There were reports of petty corruption within the executive branch, largely based on
family connections. Judicial corruption was a problem. There were allegations of
corruption among military leaders involving illicit trade, the appropriation of houses, and
the black market selling of goods such as diesel and cement. Corruption was rife in the
passport office, and individuals requesting exit visas or passports had to pay bribes.
“Public officials were not subject to financial disclosure laws, and there was no
government agency responsible for combating government corruption.” [3b] (section 4)
17.02 Eritrea ranked 123 rd in Transparency International’s 2010 Corruption Perceptions Index
(CPI) of 180 countries, published in October 2010. Eritrea was gi ven an overall CPI
score of 2.6. The CPI defines corruption as the abuse of public office for private gain,
and measures the degree to which corruption is perceived to exist among a country’s
public officials and politicians. The CPI is a composite index that draws on multiple
expert opinion surveys. The CPI scores range fr om 10 (low level of corruption) to 0
(high level of corruption). [16]
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18. FREEDOM OF RELIGION
OVERVIEW
18.01 The United Stat es State Department 2010 International Religious Freedom Report on
Eritrea, covering the period 1 July 2009 to 30 June 2010, published on 17 November
2010, stated that:
“The 1997 constitution, and the former constitution implemented in 1952 both provide
for religious freedom; however, the government has yet to implement the 1997 PDF page 68
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constitution. Although the government requires religious groups to register; it has not
approved any registrations beyond the country’s four principal religious groups since
2002: the Eritrean Orthodox Church, the Evangelical (Lutheran) Church of Eritrea,
Islam, and the Roman Catholic Church.
“The government’s record on religious freedom remained poor. The Government
continued to harass and detain thousands of members of unregistered religious groups
and retained substantial control over the four registered religious groups. The
government failed to approve religious groups that fulfilled the registration requirements
and arrested persons during religious gatherings. The government subjected religious
prisoners to harsher conditions and held them for long periods of time, without due
process. There continued to be reports of forced recantations of faith, torture of religious
prisoners, and deaths while in custody.
“There were few reports of societal abuses or discrimination based on religious
affiliation, belief, or practice. Citizens generally were tolerant of one another in the
practice of their religion with the exception of societal attitudes towards Jehovah’s
Witnesses and Pentecostal groups, and conscientious objectors. Some individuals
viewed failure to perform the required military service as a sign of disloyalty and
encouraged harassment of those unwilling to perform military duty.” [3c] (Introduction)
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RELIGIOUS DEMOGRAPHY
18.02 As regards the religious make-up of the Eritr ean population, the United States State
Department 2010 International Religious Freedom Report on Eritrea stated that:
“Although reliable statistics are not available, it is estimated that 50 percent of the
population is Sunni Muslim, 30 percent is Orthodox Christian, and 13 percent is Roman
Catholic. Groups that constitute less than 5 percent of the population include
Protestants, Seventh-day Adventists, Jehovah’s Witnesses, Buddhists, Hindus, and
Baha’is. Approximately 2 percent of the population practices traditional indigenous
religious beliefs. The population is predominantly Muslim in the eastern and western
lowlands and predominantly Christian in the highlands. Religious participation is high
among all ethnic groups.” [3c] (section 1)
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RESTRICTIONS
18.03 The United Stat es State Department 2010 International Religious Freedom Report on
Eritrea stated:
“The government forbids religious practice outside the four recognized faiths, and even
recognized faiths are often forbidden from managing their own operations and finances.
The government has appointed both the mufti (head) of the Islamic faith in the country
and the patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church, in addition to numerous lower level
positions. Those who publically protested such direct government management were
branded as radicals and could be subject to indefinite imprisonment in harsh conditions,
despite being members of recognized religious faiths. The government did not appoint PDF page 69
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69
the president of the Lutheran Church; however, reliable sources indicated extensive
government coordination. The Pope appointed the highest-ranking Catholic Church
official; however, the government pressured the church on its activities. Unregistered
faiths reported having their mail confiscated and do not use local Internet providers to
send or receive information related to their faith for fear of being monitored.
“Following a 2002 government decree that all religious groups must register or cease all
religious activities, religious facilities that did not belong to the four officially recognized
religious groups were forced to close. Some local authorities allowed unregistered
groups to worship in homes or rented spaces, whereas others did not allow such groups
to meet. During the reporting period, the Government continued to disrupt home-based
worship and arrested those who hosted home prayer meetings…the Government
continued its involvement in the affairs of the four registered religious groups and
required them to provide a list of religious leaders for enrollment in military and national
service. The Government maintained control over the operations of the Eritrea Orthodox
Church; a government-appointed lay administrator managed church operations and
controlled all church donations. The government continued to provide the Catholic
Church with limited duration national service exemption cards for all religious workers
and seminarians.” [3c] (section 2)
18.04 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report, published on 24 January 2011, stated:
“It is unlawful to practice a faith unless it is one of four ‘registered’ religions: Eritrean
Orthodox, Muslim, Catholic, or Lutheran. Security forces arrest members of
‘unregistered’ religions, often during religious services. A religious-freedom monitoring
group reported that scores were arrested in 2010. Persons arrested for this reason are
subject to the same torture and abuse as other prisoners, but can often obtain their
release by renouncing their faith. Those who refuse sometimes pay with their lives.
Jehovah's Witnesses are especially targeted; three have been detained since 1994 for
refusing to submit to military service. The patriarch of the Orthodox Church, deposed by
the government in 2006, remains under house arrest without access to communication.”
[29b]
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CHRISTIAN PENTECOSTALS AND EVANGELICALS
18.05 A BBC News report dated 27 September 2007 stated that:
“During the past five years, a brutal campaign has been waged in Eritrea against
Christian minorities, focusing mainly on the evangelical and Pentecostal movements.
“Weddings, baptisms, church services and prayer meetings have been raided by
security forces. Guests or congregation members have [been] rounded up and detained
en masse...the crackdown on Eritrea's minority churches followed a government
announcement in May 2002 that only its four oldest faiths - Orthodox, Catholic, Lutheran
and Islam - would receive official sanction.” [25j]
18.06 A more recent report, publis hed by Voice of the Martyrs (VOM), dated 5 January 2009,
stated that: PDF page 70
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“Since late November [2008], about 100 Christians, men, women and children, have
been arrested by Eritrean authorities, VOM Canada reported. The wave of house
arrests began in northern Eritrean cities and moved to southern regions before reaching
the capital, Asmara, on Dec. 12 [2008]. Some of the detained Christians were reportedly
transferred to a military facility and were severely mistreated. Local sources indicate
that an unspecified number may have died due to untreated injuries sustained in
detention.
“The Eritrean government persecutes Christians, often placing believers in metal
containers that are extremely hot during the day and cold during the night. Nearly 1,800
Eritrean Christians are believed to be under arrest because of their religious beliefs.
They are being held in police stations, military camps and prisons in 12 known locations
across Eritrea. It is believed more than 28 clergymen are being held.
“Jailed Christians are routinely subjected to physical beatings and severe psychological
pressure to deny their religious beliefs. Police and military authorities continue to
demand the prisoners return to one of the three ‘official’ Christian denominations
recognized by the government. But even the legally recognized denominations - the
nation's historic Orthodox, Catholic and Lutheran churches - have come under
government disfavor in recent years, incurring threats and even imprisonment.” [33]
18.07 Compass Direct News reported on 28 July 2009 that:
“Another Christian imprisoned for his faith in Eritrea has died from authorities denying
him medical treatment, according to a Christian support organization.
“Sources told Netherlands-based Open Doors that Yemane Kahasay Andom, 43, died
Thursday (July 23) at Mitire Military Confinement Center.
“A member of the Kale-Hiwot church in Mendefera, Andom was said to be secretly
buried in the camp.
“Weakened by continuous torture, Andom was suffering from a severe case of malaria,
Open Doors reported in a statement today.
“ ‘He was allegedly further weakened by continuous physical torture and solitary
confinement in an underground cell the two weeks prior to his death for his refusal to
sign a recantation form,’ the organization said. ‘It is not clear what the contents of the
recantation form were, but most Christians interpret the signing of such a form as the
denouncement of their faith in Christ.’
“Andom is the third known Christian to die this year at the Mitire camp, located in
northeastern Eritrea.” [34]
18.08 A BBC News report, dated 11 December 2009, reported on the arrests of Christians:
“Thirty elderly women have been arrested in Eritrea while praying together, one of their
relatives living in the United States has told the BBC.
“Requesting anonymity, she said she only found out about her mother when she
phoned to speak to her this week.
“Most of the women belonged to an outlawed evangelical group.” [25c] PDF page 71
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18.09 An ASSIST News Servic e [international Christian NGO] report, dated 28 October 2010,
reported that International Christian Concern [Christian NGO] was aware that 11
Christians had been arrested in October 2010:
“Eritrean government officials have arrested 11 Christians and taken them to unknown
locations.
“According to International Christian Concern (ICC) www.persecution.org, Eritrean
security officials on October 20 [2010] rounded up the Christians from the cities of
Mendefera, Dekemharre and Dibarwa following an order given by Mustafa Nurhussein,
the governor of the Southern Zone (province) of Eritrea. The governor ordered a
crackdown on Christians living in his province.”
“ICC says the security officials also confiscated TVs, video players and other electronic
equipment that belonged to the Christians.
“In a media update, ICC says: ‘Most of the detained belong to the Full Gospel Church,
an evangelical church that was among those that were banned by Eritrean officials in
2002’.” [55]
18.10 The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2010 Annual eport,
covering the period 1 April 2009 - 31 March 2010, published in May 2010, stated:
“Because of government restrictions and the fact that releases sometimes go
unreported, it is difficult to determine the precise number of persons imprisoned for their
membership in or activities with unregistered religious groups. International human
rights and Christian advocacy groups estimate those imprisoned on religious grounds
as numbering 2,000 to 3,000, with the number reportedly declining toward the end of
the reporting period. According to the State Department, Eritrean ‘authorities continued
to detain, harass, and abuse hundreds of followers of various unregistered churches
(mostly Protestant) during [2009].’ For example, in December 2009 a group of 30
women, many described as ‘elderly’ members of the Faith Mission Church, were
arrested during a private prayer meeting at a home in Asmara. Although all were
subsequently released, this mass arrest continued a pattern of disruption by the security
forces of private religious and social gatherings of unregistered religious groups, thus
denying these individuals the opportunity of even private worship.
“Persons detained for religious activities often were not formally charged, permitted
access to legal counsel, accorded due process, or allowed access to their families.
Some prisoners were released after detentions of several days or less, but others spent
longer periods in detention. The government held individuals who were jailed on
account of their religious affiliation at a variety of venues, including facilities
administered by the military. There are credible reports, including during the past year,
that the security forces have used coercion on detainees to secure repudiations of faith;
some prisoners were required to recant their religious beliefs as a precondition of
release. During the past year, there have been occasional reports of deaths of religious
prisoners who refused to recant their beliefs and who were denied medical care or
otherwise subjected to ill treatment. Detainees imprisoned in violation of freedom of
religion and related human rights have reportedly been beaten, tortured, confined in
crowded conditions, or subjected to extreme temperature fluctuations.” [35] (Eritrea - p49) PDF page 72
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18.11 The United States State Department 2010 International Religi ous Freedom Report on
Eritrea noted that:
“Authorities regularly harassed, arrested, and detained members of various religious
groups. The government closely monitored the activities and movements of
unregistered religious groups and members, including nonreligious social functions
attended by members. Persons arrested for religious reasons were often detained for
extended periods in harsher conditions and without due process.
“The government held individuals jailed for their religious affiliation at various locations,
including military-administered facilities, such as Mai Serwa, Sawa, Meiter, and Gelalo,
as well as police stations in the capital and other cities. Prisoners were held in harsh
conditions, and there were at least five deaths while in custody during the reporting
period due to neglect or the infliction of life-threatening injuries and the denial of medical
treatment. Often, prisoners were not formally charged, accorded due process, or
allowed access to their families. While many were ostensibly jailed for evasion of
conscription, significant numbers were held solely for their religious beliefs. Many
prisoners were required to recant their religious beliefs as a precondition of release
and/or pay fines…during the reporting period, there were reliable repo rts that authorities
detained approximately 115 members of unregistered religious groups without
legitimate charges. Some were released after detentions of several days or less, while
others spent longer periods in confinement without charge and without access to legal
counsel, or were not released. Government restrictions made it difficult to determine the
precise number of religious prisoners at any one time, and releases sometimes went
unreported; however, the number of long-term religious prisoners continued to grow.”
[3c] (section 2)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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Jehovah’s Witnesses
18.12 The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2010 Annual Report
stated:
“Since 1994, the government of Eritrea has denied a range of government services and
civil and political rights to members of the country’s small community of Jehovah’s
Witnesses. Many Jehovah’s Witnesses refused on religious grounds to participate in the
1993 referendum on independence or to accept the national military service required of
all citizens, both male and female. The government chose to interpret these actions as a
rejection of Eritrean citizenship. In accordance with a decree issued in October 1994 by
Eritrea’s current President, Jehovah’s Witnesses are barred from obtaining government
jobs, business licenses, and government-issued identity and travel documents. Without
Eritrean identity cards Jehovah’s Witnesses are prevented from obtaining legal
recognition of marriages and land purchases.
“Due to their beliefs on conscientious objection to military service, the requirement of a
military training component for secondary school graduation without a non-military
alternative service option effectively denies educational and employment opportunities
to young Jehovah’s Witnesses, causing many to flee the country. Some children of
Jehovah’s Witnesses have been expelled from school because of their refusal to salute PDF page 73
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73
the flag or to pay for membership in the officially sanctioned national organization for
youth and students.
“There are 60 Jehovah’s Witnesses currently detained in Eritrea without trial, or
administrative appeal, in violation of minimal rights to due process. Although the
maximum legal penalty for refusing to perform national service is two years, some
Jehovah’s Witnesses who have refused to serve in the military have been detained
without trial for more than 15 years. Other Jehovah’s Witnesses have been arrested and
imprisoned for meeting together for worship or for expressing their faith to others. Some
of those arrested have been quickly released, while others have been held indefinitely
without charge. On June 28, 2009, 23 members of one congregation of Jehovah’s
Witnesses in Asmara were arrested when gathered for private worship. No reason was
given for their arrests. In contrast to arrests of draft-age individuals made because of
alleged refusal to participate in national service, a third of the Jehovah’s Witnesses
currently detained are reported to be over 60 years of age.
“Jehovah’s Witnesses released from detention have reported being kept for months in a
20-foot metal shipping container holding over 20 individuals, most of whom were
Jehovah’s Witnesses but including several Pentecostals. Prisoners were permitted to
leave the container for limited periods twice a day. Prisoners were urged to renounce
their faith in writing, to return to their ‘previous faith’ (understood to be the Coptic
Orthodox Church), and ordered not to pray aloud, sing, or preach. No books were
allowed. The punishment for disobedience was to be chained outdoors for a day and a
night.” [35] (Eritrea - p50)
18.13 The United Stat es State Department 2010 International Relig ious Freedom Report on
Eritrea stated:
“Although members of several religious groups were imprisoned in past years for failure
to participate in required national military service, the Government singled out
Jehovah’s Witnesses for harsher treatment than that given to followers of other religious
groups for similar actions. Jehovah’s Witnesses and other conscientious objectors were
normally willing to perform nonmilitary national service. At least three Jehovah’s
witnesses were detained for 15 years, reportedly for evading compulsory military
service, far beyond the maximum legal penalty of two years for refusing to perform
national service. In addition, Jehovah’s Witnesses who did not participate in national
military service were subject to dismissal from the civil service, revocation of business
licenses, eviction from government-owned housing, and denial of passports, identity
cards, and exit visas. They were also prohibited from having civil authorities legalize
their marriages.” [3c] (section 2)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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MUSLIMS
18.14 Muslims as well as Chri stians have been arrested and detai ned, as noted in the United
States Commission on International Religious Freedom 2010 Annual Report: PDF page 74
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“In addition to Evangelical and Pentecostal Christians, scores of members of Eritrea’s
large Sunni Muslim community are reportedly imprisoned, some for over 15 years. In
January 2009, the security forces arrested 30 individuals described by the government
as ‘radical Muslims.’ They were subsequently released with warnings to cease their
alleged radical activities and to keep their beards shaved. Eritrea has legitimate
concerns regarding violent Islamists. Before Eritrea and Sudan normalized relations in
2006, Islamists operating out of Sudan engaged in a low-level insurgency against the
Eritrean government, occasionally employing terrorism in their campaign to establish an
Islamic state. International human rights organizations report, however, that many of the
Muslims detained without charge are non-violent critics of the government-imposed
leadership of the Muslim community or policies that discriminate against independent
Muslims.” [35] (Eritrea - pages 49-50)
See also Arbitrary arrest and detention
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19. E THNIC GROUPS
19.01 Information published in the Encyclopedia of the Nations website (accessed on 11
October 2010) stated that:
“Ethnologists classify Eritreans into nine language groups. The Afar live in the
southeast, the Tigrinya in south central Eritrea, and the Tigre in the north. The Saho live
in the south central/southeast. The Bilen live in central Eritrea, the Hadareb in the
northwest, and the Kunama and Nara in the southwest. The ninth group, the Rashaida,
inhabit the northwest. The Tigrinya (50% of the population), Tigre and Kunama (40%),
Afar (4%), and Saho (3%) are believed to be the most populous ethnic groups.” [36]
19.02 More information about Eritrea’s ethnic groups was provided in the Everyculture.com
website (accessed on 11 October 2010):
“The highland Tigrinya ethnic group is the dominant group, numerically, politically, and
economically. There is also a minority group of Tigrinya-speaking Muslims called Jeberti
in the highlands. The Jeberti, however, are not recognized as a separate ethnic group
by the Eritrean government. The lowland groups -the Afar, Beja/Hadarab, Bileyn,
Kunama, Nara, Rashaida, Saho, and Tigre - are all, with the exception of the Tigre,
relatively small and, taken together, they do not form any homogenous cultural or
political blocs. Traditionally, the relationship between the highland and lowland groups
has been one of tension and conflict. Raids on livestock and encroachment on land and
grazing rights have led to mutual distrust, which is still, to a certain degree, relevant in
the relation between the minorities and the state. Many of the groups are also divided
between Eritrea and Ethiopia, Sudan, and Djibouti, making cross-border ethnic alliances
a possible threat to the national identity.” [37]
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LANGUAGES
19.03 The Ethnologue website (access ed on 11 October 2010) lists the languages spoken in
Eritrea, which are: Afar, Arabic, Bedawiyet, Bilen, English, Italian, Kunama, Nara, Saho,
Tigré and Tigrigna. English, standard Arabic , and Tigrinya are the official or national
languages. [38]. The eritreaeducation.info website (accessed on 11 October 2010), also
noted that Tigrinya, Arabic and English are the official languages of Eritrea. [39]
19.04 More information about the languages spoken in Eritrea was provided in the
Everyculture.com website (accessed on 11 October 2010):
“Although the Eritrean Constitution states that all nine ethnic languages in the country
are equal, the government of Eritrea has two administrative languages: Tigrinya and
Arabic. Tigrinya is a Semitic language also spoken by the Tigreans of Ethiopia. Arabic
was chosen to represent the lowland Muslim groups in the country. Nevertheless, only
one ethnic group, the Rashaida, has Arabic as a mother tongue, whereas the other
groups use it as a religious language. Many of the groups are bilingual, and because of
the legacy of Ethiopian domination over Eritrea, many Eritreans also speak Amharic, the
Ethiopian administrative language. Eritrean pupils are today taught in their mother
tongue in primary levels (one through five), and English takes over to be the language
of instruction from sixth grade (at least in theory). English is taught as a second
language from second grade. It appears, however, that Tigrinya is taking over as the
dominant language, since the majority of the population are Tigrinya-speakers, the
biggest towns are located in the highlands, and most people in government and the
state bureaucracy are from the Tigrinya ethnic group.” [37]
GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETAL ATTITUDES
19.05 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated that:
“The law and unimplemented constitution prohibits discrimination… based on race,
language, and social status, and the government generally enforced these provisions;
however, during the year the government provided privilege to former ‘revolutionary
fighters’ and granted them access to business opportunities, trade imports, and
expropriated property from non-fighters…there were reports of government and societal
discrimination against the Kunama, one of nine ethnic groups residing primarily in the
west. Societal abuse of Ethiopians occurred, but there were fewer reports of such abuse
than in the previous year.” [3b] (section 6)
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20. L ESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL AND TRANSGENDER PERSONS
20.01 The International Les bian and Gay Association State-sponsored Homophobia report,
published in May 2010, stated that in legislative terms, Eritr ea follows the old Ethiopian
law and same-sex sexual acts (both male and female) are illegal (1957 Penal Code).
The punishment for homosexual acts is imprisonment. The actual prison sentence,
determined by the courts, can be as short as ten days or as long as three years. [40] PDF page 76
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20.02 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea, published
on 11 March 2010, stated that:
“Homosexuality is illegal, and homosexual persons faced severe societal discrimination.
The government accused foreign governments of promoting the practice to undermine
the government. There were no known official discriminatory practices against civilians,
although there were uncorroborated reports that known homosexual persons in the
military were subjected to severe abuse. There were no known lesbian, gay, bisexual,
or transgender organizations in [the] country.” [3b] (section 2c)
20.03 The Human Rights Watch 2011 World Report, published on 24 January 2011, stated
that “…homosexuality is illegal. In March 2010 a government minist er told the United
Nations Human Rights Council that homosexuality is in ‘direct contradiction’ to Eritrean
values and will not be legalized.” [29b] (p2)
20.04 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Eligibility Guidelines for Assessing
the International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers from Eritrea, published in April
2009 stated that:
“Homosexuality is illegal in Eritrea. Pursuant to the ETPC [Eritrean Transitional Penal
Code], sexual, or any other ‘indecent’, act performed with a person of the same sex is
prohibited, and offenders are prosecuted and punished. Those, who have previously
come to the attention of the authorities due to their sexual orientation, may be targeted.
“Homosexuals are reportedly arrested and detained in the same facilities as (suspected)
political dissidents. Furthermore, homosexuals face severe societal discrimination.” [32a]
Most of the above information is reiterated in the Canadian Immigration and Refugee
Board’s reply to an informati on request, dated 28 February 2007:
http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/469cd6b815.html. [23]
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21. D ISABILITY
21.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated that: “The law and unimplemented constitution prohibit
discrimination against persons with disabilities in employ ment, education, or in the
provision of other state se rvices, and there were no reports of discrimination in
practice…there are no laws mandating access for persons with disabilities to public
thoroughfares or public or private buildings, but many newly constructed buildings
provided such access.” [3b] (section 6)
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22. W OMEN
LEGAL RIGHTS PDF page 77
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77
22.01 A report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the United Nations Human
Rights Council for the purposes of a United Nations Universal Periodic Review, carried
out in 2009, stated:
“The Constitution of Eritrea and other pertinent laws guarantee equality of all persons
under the law. It further provides that no person may be discriminated against on
account of race, ethnic origin, language, colour, gender, religion, disability, age, political
view, or social or economic status or any other improper factors…it has always been a
basic State policy of Eritrea to promote equality between men and women. Eritrea has
put in place a variety of legal regimes for protecting the rights and interests of women.
This regime has been reflected, inter alia, in the Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea, such
as family law, the Land Proclamation No. 58/1994, Election of Regional Assemblies
Proclamation No. 140/2004, and a Proclamation to Abolish Female Circumcision No.
158/2007.
“The Eritrean Constitution and other pertinent laws guaranty [sic] equal rights for
women and men. In addition to the supreme principle enshrined in the Constitution
prohibiting discrimination on account of race, ethnic origin, language, color, gender,
religion, disability, age, political view, social or economic status, various Articles in the
Constitution grant equal right to women as men…right after the independence of
Eritrea, the Provisional Government undertook measures to revise the inherited colonial
laws. Consequently, Proclamation No.2/1991 (the Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea) and
Proclamation No. 4/1991 (the Transitional Penal Code of Eritrea) repealed all
discriminatory clauses and connotations from the colonial Civil Codes and included
protective legal measures. To mention some important provisions in the Transitional
Codes pertaining to the status of women:
• Marriage is now based on the free consent of both partners, and needs no
parental consent. The age of the female partner was raised to 18 from the
previous 15 years;
• Women can enter into a c ontract of marriage freely;
• bride price and abduction were prohibited by law;
• Irregular unions have been abolished because they don’t provide any legal
protection of women’s right[s] upon separation;
• the death penalty is commuted to life im prisonment for convicted women who
may be pregnant or have children under three years of age;
• abortion, although still puni shable under the penal code, is permitted in
situations where a physician certifies that the mother would suffer grave and
permanent damage due to severe physical and mental stress, or when the
pregnancy has resulted from rape or incest;
• Rape is punishable by law with a maximum imprisonment of 15 years;
• Pornography and other indecent and obsce ne exposure are also punishable
under the Transitional Penal code of Eritrea; and PDF page 78
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• A provision of the colonial Civil C ode which bluntly glorifies the husband as
head of the family was repealed and replaced by a new Article which
recognizes the equal power and status of the spouses.” [73a]
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POLITICAL RIGHTS
22.02 There are women in gover nment positions and government administration as noted in
the United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea : “Women
held four ministerial positi ons in the government: justic e, labor and human welfare,
tourism, and health. Women also served in ot her senior government positions, such as
mayors and regional administrators.” [3b] (section 3)
22.03 The National Union of Eritrean Women website (accessed on 25 February 2011)
provided the following information about the participation of women in society:
“The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) had a clear policy on the issue of
women. As a result, its popular motto 'Equality through Participation' served not only as
a slogan, but also as a practical doctrine in the struggle for the emancipation of women.
“The 1st and 2nd congresses of the EPLF, held in 1977 and 1987 respectively, clearly
stated the Front’s principles on the rights and equality of women.
“This trend continued after independence. Policy and legislative measures where taken
to insure the participation of women, who comprise half of the society. The fact that 30%
of parliament seats are exclusively reserved for women, who can, moreover, contest the
other seats in the elections, is an example of some of the measures taken to that end.
“The Constitution of Eritrea guarantees equal rights for both sexes. The Government of
the State of Eritrea (GSE) made a deliberate effort to ensure women’s participation in
every stage of the constitution-making process.” [78]
See also Political system and Political affiliation
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SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RIGHTS
22.04 Information published in the peacewom en.org website, undated, accessed on 24
February 2011, stated that the Eritrean government rati fied the Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discriminat ion against Women (CEDAW) on 5 September
1995. [77]
22.05 A report published by the World Organisation Against Tortur e in July 2004, on violence
against women in ten countries including Eritrea, stated:
“The Constitution of Eritrea has strong protections of women’s rights, a reflection of the
high status women attained by participating in the liberation struggle as fighters.
However, the respect women gained through the war and the resulting gender sensitive
laws are in direct contrast to the traditional Eritrean attitude towards women and PDF page 79
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79
girls…although Eritrea is composed of several different cultures, with differing
perspectives towards women, customary views generally dominate many areas of
society and are often discriminatory towards women and girls. This is especially true
within the realm of the family, and is thus, extremely important when examining the
rights of girls.” [82] (pages 201-202)
22.06 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights report on Eritrea, published on
11 March 2010, noted that:
“Women have a legal right to equal educational opportunities, equal pay for equal work,
and equal property rights; however, in practice men retained privileged access to
education, employment, and control of economic resources, particularly in rural areas.
Women generally did not enjoy a social status equal to men…the National Union of
Eritrean Women (NUEW), Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare, and Ministry of Health
were the primary government offices responsible for ensuring legal rights of women.”
[3b] (section 6)
22.07 The Social Institutions and Gender Index (accessed on 19 October 2010) provided the
following information:
“In 1991, the TCE [Transitional Civil Code of Eritrea] abolished previously discriminatory
clauses in existing legislation. Today, the law gives women a relatively high level of
protection within the family. The TCE recognises three types of marriage: civil, religious
and customary. The code explicitly states that all three types follow several binding
conditions that enhance women’s rights, including setting the minimum age of marriage
at 18 years. (These conditions do not apply to marriages governed by Islamic Sharia
law.)…the Constitution accords parental authority to both parents, along with equal
rights. However, both the TCE and customary laws fall short of recognising the principle
of common responsibilities for both parents, particularly in regard to custody of children
in case of divorce. In most cases, fathers are still considered as head of the household
and are given right of custody.
“Eritrean law does not discriminate in relation to inheritance rights. However, the Muslim
community follows Sharia law, which provides for detailed and complex calculations of
inheritance shares. Under Sharia, women may inherit from their father, mother, husband
or children and, under certain conditions, from other family members, but their share is
generally only half of that to which men are entitled…the Eritrean Constitution provides
for full ownership rights for women, but the application of legal provisions tends to
favour men and limit women’s ability to achieve financial independence.
“The Eritrean People’s Liberation Front established a policy on land redistribution to
improve women’s access to land by granting extensive land rights to divorced, widowed
and childless women. Despite this effort to institutionalise land rights, many women still
lack the means of working the land and face specific difficulties, especially in regions in
which cultural norms prevent women from clearing land.
“With regard to access to property other than land, Eritrean women have equal rights to
conclude contracts, administer property and run businesses. According to business
licensing office statistics, women own around 30 per cent of businesses.” [15] PDF page 80
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22.08 A United Nations Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women report, dated 3 February 2006, stated:
“While noting the advocacy work carried out by the National Union of Eritrean Women,
the Committee is concerned that the persistence of patriarchal attitudes and deep-
rooted stereotypes regarding the role and responsibilities of women and men in society,
which are discriminatory to women. The Committee is concerned that the preservation
of negative cultural practices and traditional attitudes serve to perpetuate women’s
subordination in the family and society and constitute serious obstacles to women’s
enjoyment of their human rights…while recognizing the efforts undertaken by the State
party aimed at the reconstruction of the country and its socio-economic fabric after the
long years of armed conflict as well as recurrent droughts, the Committee is concerned
that the widespread poverty among women and the poor socio-economic conditions are
among the causes of the violation of women’s human rights and discrimination against
them. The Committee is concerned at the very large number of women heads of
household who are particularly vulnerable to poverty…the Committee is especially
concerned about the situation of women in rural areas who often lack access to health,
education, clean water and sanitation services and means and opportunities for
economic survival.” [81b] (pages 3 and 5)
22.09 The same United Nations report also stat ed concerning marriage and family relations:
“While noting that the Transitional Code of Eritrea adopted in 1991 establishes a
minimum age at marriage, prohibits forced marriages and establishes a system of
equitable division of marital property upon divorce, the Committee is concerned that
these laws are not enforced and that discriminatory customary laws and practices
continue to be applied. The Committee is also concerned that the Transitional Code’s
provisions on marriage and family relations do not apply to Muslim marriages and
divorces.” [81b] (p5)
22.10 A United Nations Co mmittee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against
Women report on the status of Eritrean women, dated 18 January 2006, stated:
“At this time, Eritrea’s majority population still follows Sharia law as opposed to national
law. Although the legal age for marriage is 18, underage marriage remains prevalent.
Raising awareness of national laws is a constant effort, involving attitude changes
among the people of Eritrea. One particular setback in the struggle against early
marriage was that many children had no birth registration enabling parents to simply
bring a witness to testify a girl was 18, when she may in fact be much younger…in
recent developments, one of Eritrea’s six regions appointed a female governor in 2005.
In addition, the city of Massawa has voted a female mayor into office. Measures have
been taken regarding participation of government service positions including hiring
through positive discrimination, and lower educational level requirements (although
opportunities to upgrade academic levels are available through evening courses as well
as correspondence). There is currently unprecedented representation of women in the
local judicial structures.” [81a]
22.11 On the subject of early marriage, a report published by the World Organisation Against
Torture in July 2004, on violence against wo men in ten countries including Eritrea,
stated: PDF page 81
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“Eritrean civil law provides that the minimum age for marriage for both girls and boys is
18. Nevertheless, customary law carries great weight in Eritrean society and often girls
are married at ages well below the legal limit.
“It is widely acknowledged in Eritrea that girls are married earlier than boys. The
traditional view holds that the ideal age for marriage for a girl is between 12 and 18. In
one study, the view was expressed that marrying girls at a young age was necessary to
ensure their virginity before marriage and protect ‘the woman from sin’. The ideal age
for marriage for men is not correspondent with that of women. In the study mentioned
above, many respondents claimed that men should wait until they are between at least
20 and 25, with some asserting that 25 be the minimum age, because of the many
responsibilities a man assumes once he is married.” [82] (page 206)
22.12 A report submitted by the Sexual Rights Initiative (associa tion of NGOs) to the United
Nations Human Rights Council, in December 2009, for the purposes of a universal
periodic review, stated:
“The Constitution guarantees freedom of movement to everyone and the transitional
civil code provides both spouses with the right to choose residence. However, deeply
rooted traditions practically necessitate that after marriage a woman automatically holds
the domicile of her spouse. Socially, men are entitled to select their wives, although
women have no such entitlement, especially in the patriarchal rural communities. In
rural areas, women after marriage stay at home, and never go out without the
permission of their husbands. The father at home is the dominant figure financially and
socially and his daughters cannot go out with men or getting [sic] married without his
permission. Women are not allowed any relationship outside the marriage frame, and it
is hard for the women to travel alone seeking education or work especially in rural areas
away from Asmara.” [83]
22.13 The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) website (accessed on 24 February 2011)
provided the following statistical information on life expectancy, education and health:
Eritrean women - Statistics (UNICEF)
Life expectancy: females as a percentage of males, 2008
Life expectancy: The number of years newborn children would live if
subject to the mortality risks prevailing for the cross-section of population
at the time of their birth.
108
Adult literacy rate: females as a percentage of males, 2003 -
2007*
Adult literacy rate: Percentage of persons aged 15 and over who can
read and write.
No data
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net primary school 2003-2008*, enrolled
Gross enrolment ratios: females as % of males: Girls’ gross enrolment
ratio divided by that of boys, as a percentage. The gross enrolment ratio
is the number of children enrolled in a schooling level (primary or
secondary), regardless of age, divided by the population of the age
87
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group that officially corresponds to that level.
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net primary school 2003 -2008*, attending
93
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net secondary school 2003 -2008*, enrolled
67
Enrolment and attendance ratios: females as a percentage
of males, Net secondary school 2003 -2008*, attending
92
Contraceptive prevalence (%), 2003 -2008*
Contraceptive prevalence: Percentage of women aged 15-49 years
currently using contraception.
8
Antenatal care coverage (%), At least once, 2003 -2008*
Antenatal care: Percentage of women aged 15-49 years attended at
least once during pregnancy by skilled health personnel (doctors, nurses
or midwives).
70
Antenatal care coverage (%), At least four times, 2003 -
2008*
41
Delivery care coverage (%), Skilled attendant at birth, 2003 -
2008*
Skilled attendant at delivery: Percentage of births attended by skilled
health personnel (doctors, nurses or midwives).
28
Delivery care coverage (%), Institutional delivery, 2003 -
2008*
26
*Data refers to the most recent year available during the period specified in the column
heading.
[52b]
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VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN
22.14 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated, in its
introduction, that “…Female genital mutilation (FGM) was widespread, and societal
abuse and discrimination against women...were problems.” The same report later noted
that: “Violence against women was pervasive.” [3b] (section 6)
22.15 On the subject of marital rape, a repor t published by the World Organisation Against
Torture in July 2004, on violence against wo men in ten countries including Eritrea,
stated that: “Marital rape is not a crime under Erit rean law, as the Transitional Penal
Code provides in Article 589 th at rape, by definition, must occur outside of marriage.
The Draft Penal Code forsees a slight ch ange in this definition, recognizing rape PDF page 83
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between spouses where the spouses are separ ated and living in different households.”
[82] (p205)
22.16 The Social Institutions and Gender Index (a ccessed on 19 October 2010) noted that:
“Women in Eritrea have relati vely low protection for their physical integrity. Violence
against women is widespread, particularly domestic violence and wife beating. It was
estimated in 2001 that more than 65 per cent of women in the Asmara area had been
victims of domestic violence.” [15]
22.17 Regarding national servic e and abuses against women, the United States State
Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that “…durin g the year [2009]
the government continued efforts to det ain female draft evaders and deserters.
According to reports, some women drafted for national service were subjected to sexual
harassment and abuse.” [3b] (section 6)
22.18 A Human Rights Concern - Eritrea report, dated 8 March 2010, published in the
Assenna website, stated:
“It is compulsory for Eritrean women to serve in the national service where they are not
treated as equals with the male soldiers, who themselves are there against their wishes
and maltreated, but used as sex objects by the military officers and made to work as
housemaids-cum-slaves. Women are subjected to abuses and sexual harassment by
officers in the training/concentration camps, prisons and the army. Refusal to meet the
demands of the officers usually results in torture and reassignment to places with
extremely hostile living and working conditions.
“In most Eritrean ethnic groups recruitment of women into the military is traditionally not
accepted. Women thus recruited are therefore shunned as suitable wives and mothers.
They are maltreated by the army and ostracised by the rest of Eritrean society.
Paradoxically, childbirth provides the only release from national service into a socially
and economically rejecting society. Some Eritrean women marry early simply to avoid
the national service. Many victims of rape in the military contract HIV/AIDS and end up
as single mothers.” [31a]
PROTECTION
22.19 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that:
“Domestic violence is a crime; however, domestic violence cases were rarely brought to
trial, and there were no legal penalties enshrined into law. Women seldom openly
discussed domestic violence because of societal pressures. Such incidents were more
commonly addressed, if at all, within families or by clergy. The authorities’ response to
domestic violence was hindered by a lack of trained personnel, inadequate funding, and
unsupportive societal attitudes.” [3b] (section 6)
22.20 The United St ates State Department 2009 Human Rights R eport on Eritrea also stated:
“Rape is a crime punishable by up to 10 years’ imprisonment, while gang rape or rape
of a minor or an invalid is punishable by up to 15 years in prison. Sexual assault is
punishable by six months to ei ght years in prison. It was unclear whether spousal rape
is illegal. No information was available on the prevalence of rape. Authorities often to
reports of rape by encouraging the perpetrator to marry the victim.” [3b] (section 6) PDF page 84
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22.21 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees Eligibility for Assessing the
International Protection Needs of Asylum Seekers from Eritrea report, published in April
2009, stated: “Violence against women, incl uding domestic violence and rape, is
reportedly widespread in Eritrea, despite criminalization of such practices…furthermore,
cases of domestic violence are rarely prosecuted and no legal penalties for such crimes
are enshrined into law.” [32a]
22.22 A United Nations Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic
Review report (summary of stakeholders s ubmissions) on Eritrea, dated 15 September
2009, stated that:
“SRI [Sexual Rights Initiative NGO] stated that the Government has taken a firm public
stance against domestic violence, especially wife beating, which is widespread and that
marital rape is not categorically outlawed in Eritrea…while noting that overall the
Government has failed to protect women from violence, SRI recommended that the
Government: criminalize marital rape; conduct public awareness-raising campaigns on
rape as a crime and empower victims and their families to expose it; amend the
necessary legislation so marriage to the victim does not result in charges of rape being
dropped…while also duly investigating and punishing those responsible for it and
providing assistance to victims.” [73b] (p4)
REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH AND RIGHTS
22.23 A report submitted by the Sexual Rights Initiative (associa tion of NGOs) to the United
Nations Human Rights Council, in Decem ber 2009, for the purposes of a Universal
Periodic Review, stated:
“The use of contraception is not widespread. Unless their husbands allow it, women
have no choice to prevent pregnancy. Abortion is forbidden by Law and Sharia’a in
Eritrea and there is no way to find registered clinics offering that practice. For the
Eritreans, abortion is a religious sin. If a woman has to abort, she may do it at home -
called ‘domestic abortion’ - a practice that doubtless puts her on high risk of death. If
she dies, her relatives would never admit the reason of death, so there are no clear
records in this regard. The main causes of maternal mortality are the lack of medical
assistance, the bad roads which delay access to medical help, and the malnutrition,
especially in the villages and towns far from Asmara.” [83]
See also Human Rights - Introduction; Trafficking - Overview; National service -
exemptions
For information about FGM, see Children - Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)
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23. C HILDREN
OVERVIEW
23.01 A report submitted by the Eritrean government in 2009 to the United Nations Human
Rights Council for the purposes of a United Nations Universal Periodic Review stated: PDF page 85
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“Children, being significant and vital assets of the nation, have been accorded top
priority and special programmes, such as the protection of vulnerable children. The
State of Eritrea has various provisions for the protection of children’s rights under its
Transitional Civil Code, Transitional Penal Code and the Transitional Criminal
Procedure Code.
“The State of Eritrea signed and ratified the United Nations Convention of the Rights of
the Child (CRC) in August 1994 and the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of
Children (ACRWC) in January 2000. Moreover, Eritrea acceded to the CRC optional
Protocol on the Sale of children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography as well as
CRC optional Protocol on the Involvement of Children in Armed Conflicts in February
2005. This shift was imperative to ensure the protection of the rights, freedoms and
dignity of children.” [73a]
23.02 The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) State of the World’s Children report,
published in November 2009, pr ovided the following statis tical information about
Eritrean children:
UNICEF statistical information
Children in Eritrea
Under-5 mortality rate in 2008 58 per 1,000 live births
Infant mortality rate in 2008 (one year of age or
younger)
41 per 1,000 live births
Number of births in 2008 182,000
Number of under-5 deaths in 2008 10,000
life expectancy at birth in 2008 60 years
Primary school net enrolment/attendance (%)
2003-2008* (number of children enrolled in or
attending primary school, expressed as a
percentage of the total number of children of
primary school age)
47
*Data refers to the most recent year available during the period specified in the column
heading
[52c]
BASIC LEGAL INFORMATION
23.03 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, noted that the “legal mi nimum age for marriage for both men and
women is 18, although religious entities may bless marriages at y ounger ages.”
[3b] (section 6) . The United States State Department report also stated that the “the legal
minimum age for employment is 14 years…” and that “…the law proh ibits minors from
working in transport industries or working un derground, such as in mines and sewers.”
[3b] (section 7) . The Child Soldiers 2008 Global Report stated that the le gal voting age in PDF page 86
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Eritrea is 18 years of age and 18 is the minimum age fo r voluntary recruitment into the
armed forces. [8]. Only persons over the age of 18 are required to undergo national
service duties, including compul sory military service according to the National Service
Proclamation. [13]. The Child Soldiers 2008 Global Report , however, stated that “…the
forcible recruitment of under-18s had previously been reported, but there was no recent
information due to severe restrictions imposed by the government on access to
independent observers.” [8]
LEGAL RIGHTS
23.04 The Constitution mentions children specifically in Article 22 in relation to the right to
enjoy family life and that “… parents have the right and duty to bring up their children
with proper care and affection; and, in tu rn, children have the right and the duty to
respect their parents and to sustain them in their old age.” [41] (Constitutionnet.org)
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VIOLENCE AGAINST CHILDREN
23.05 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated that there are “...no laws against child abuse and no
government programs to com bat the problem. Physical pu nishment was widespread
and socially accepted…the law criminalizes child prostitution, pornography, and sexual
exploitation; however, there were reports that it occurred.” [3b] (section 6)
23.06 Information published in the Child Rights Information Network (CRIN) website
(accessed on 28 February 2011), obtained from United Nations sources, stated that:
“In 2008, CRC [UN Committee on the Rights of the Child] was concerned over the
information that children, including those in high schools, are victims of torture, cruel
and degrading treatment by the police and military, in particular children seeking to
avoid military service. It requested Eritrea to take effective measures to protect all
children from torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment; to investigate and
sanction those responsible for having committed abuses; ensure that all child victims of
ill-treatment are provided access to physical and psychological recovery and social
reintegration as well as compensation.
“In 2008, CRC noted that the provision on corporal punishment in the Transitional Penal
Code only applies to children under 15 when endangering gravely their physical and
mental health and that ‘reasonable chastisement’ remains permitted. CRC was
concerned that corporal punishment was still widely practiced in the home, the schools
and other settings.” [79]
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Female genital mutilation (FGM)
23.07 The Suwera Centre for Human Rights report, The State of Human Rights in Eritrea
2008, published in August 2009, stated: PDF page 87
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“On 20 March 2007 the Eritrean government issued Decree No. 2007/158 banning the
circumcision of females or female genital mutilation (FGM).The decree includes five
articles. Under the fourth article, it states that anyone who practices FGM shall be
imprisoned from 2 to 3 years and pay the fine of 5,000 to 10,000 Nakfa (local currency).
In cases where circumcision leads to death, the imprisonment can be between 5 to 10
years. The Decree punishes anyone who seeks, instigates or encourages circumcision
of females by providing tools or other means by imprisonment from 6 months to one
year in addition to paying 3,000 Nakfa. And if the one practicing circumcision is working
on [sic] the health services, the punishment is doubled, and the court may suspend
professional licenses for a period of up to two years…however, since the issuance of
the Decree, no one was reported to have been or put in custody under the stipulations
made in this Decree.” [5] (p10)
23.08 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that:
“An estimated 94 percent of girls had undergone FGM. Almost all ethnic and religious
groups in the country practiced FGM, despite extensive government efforts to curb the
practice. In the lowlands, infibulation - the most severe form of FGM - was practiced. In
2007 the government issued a proclamation declaring FGM a crime and prohibiting its
practice. The government and other organizations, including the NUEW [National Union
of Eritrean Women] and the National Union of Eritrean Youth and Students, sponsored
a variety of education programs during the year [2009] that discouraged the practice.”
[3b] (section 6)
23.09 A BBC News report, dated 4 April 2007, provided additional information about the 2007
ban on FGM:
“Eritrea has banned the life-threatening practice of female circumcision, the Eritrean
information ministry has said.
“Anybody involved in female genital mutilation (FGM) would be punished with a fine and
imprisonment, it said.
“The move follows a campaign against the practice by the National Union of Eritrean
Women, which says more than 90% of Eritrean women are circumcised…female
circumcision is a procedure that seriously endangers the health of women, causes them
considerable pain and suffering besides threatening their lives,’ the government
proclamation said.
“‘Whosoever requests, incites or promotes female circumcision by providing tools or any
other means and whosoever, knowing that female circumcision is to take place or has
taken place, fails without good cause, to warn or inform the proper authorities promptly,
shall be punishable with a fine and imprisonment,’ it continued.
“‘The ban came into force on 31 March [2007], the information ministry said.’ ” [25i]
23.10 Different sources have given differing in formation regarding the percentage of girls who
have undergone FGM. The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report
on Eritrea stated that “…an estimated 94 perc ent of girls had undergone FGM”. [3b]
(section 5). The BBC News report quoted in the previous paragr aph stated that “…more
than 90% of Eritrean women are circumcised.” [25i]. The United Nations Children’s Fund
(UNICEF) State of the World’s Children report, published in November 2009, stated that PDF page 88
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89 percent of girls had undergone FGM [52c], and the UNICEF report quoted in the next
paragraph also stated that 89 percent of girls have undergone FGM. [52d]
23.11 A United Nations Children’ s Fund (UNICEF) report about FG M in Eritrea, dated 22
February 2010, stated that:
“Letenkiel Misghina, a former practitioner of female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C),
recently attended an all-day event commemorating the banning of the practice in
Eritrea. The colourful procedings included speeches, poems, testimonies, information
sessions, a marathon, a bicycle race and a carnival.
“In 2007, the Government of Eritrea passed a proclamation banning FGM/C. An
intensive, multi-faceted advocacy and mobilization campaign ensued, aiming to change
attitudes among different groups of society - including traditional birth attendants,
circumcizers, community elders and religious leaders…despite the ban, much work is
still needed to ensure the full elimination of FGM/C in Eritrea, where the practice is still
seen by many as an important factor in attaining social acceptance and improving girls'
marriage prospects.
“In 2002, the Eritrean Demographic and Health Survey showed that 89 per cent of
Eritrean women had been cut. This prevalence rate is among the highest on the African
continent. In the survey, 42 per cent of women said the practice was beneficial for social
acceptance; 25 per cent for marriage prospects; and 18 per cent for religious approval.
“Since the ban, it appears that traditional birth attendants and circumcizers have
increasingly dropped the practice and become advocates for change. UNICEF Eritrea’s
goal is to attain a 30 per cent reduction in the practice of FGM/C by 2011.” [52d]
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Child labour
23.12 The United States Department of Labour 2009 Findings on the Worst Forms of Child
Labor report, published on 15 December 2010, stated that:
“Children are exploited in the worst forms of child labor in Eritrea, many of them in
agriculture. Children in rural areas of Eritrea work on farms producing corn, wheat,
sorghum, and other grains, and in fields gathering firewood, hauling water, and herding
livestock. Children’s work in agriculture commonly involves use of potentially dangerous
machinery and tools, carrying of heavy loads, and the application of harmful pesticides.
Children are also engaged in domestic labor where they may face long hours of work
and exposure to physical and sexual exploitation by their employers.
“In urban areas, children repair vehicles and work on the streets as vendors. Children
also work in garages and workshops making household utensils and furniture. In
Asmara, some children engage in commercial sexual exploitation and street begging.
Children working on the streets are exposed to a variety of dangers, which may include
severe weather, accidents caused by proximity to vehicles, and vulnerability to criminal
elements.” [42] (p235)
23.13 As regards laws and legal protections that relate to child labour, the United States
Department of Labour Child Labor report stated that: PDF page 89
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89
“The Labor Proclamation sets the minimum age for employment at 14 and the minimum
age for hazardous work at 18. Under this law, hazardous work includes transporting
goods and passengers, heavy lifting, working with toxic chemicals and dangerous
machines, and working underground, such as in mines, quarries, sewers, and tunnel
digging. However, the Labor Proclamation does not include penalties for employers of
children in hazardous work or children under the minimum age…slavery, servitude and
forced labor are prohibited by the Constitution. The Penal Code prohibits and provides
penalties for trafficking in persons for sexual exploitation, child rape, and child
prostitution. There is no legislation to prohibit trafficking for labor exploitation. Children
under 18 are prohibited from being recruited into the armed forces by Proclamation
11/1991. However, children under age 18 may receive military training.” [42] (p236)
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Sexual abuse
23.14 A report published by the World Organisation Against Tortur e in July 2004, on violence
against women in ten countries including Eritrea, stated:
“Article 594-599 of the Eritrean Penal Code provides harsh penalties for sexual acts
involving children. However, these punishments are rarely exercised because such
crimes are seldom reported.
“There is a lack of information concerning sexual abuse and incest within the
family…girl sex workers are particularly vu lnerable to sexual violence and abuse.
Additionally, because they are ostracized by society, they are susceptible to
psychological harm and stunted development. With very few child sex workers being
aware of the need for contraception, they are also at extreme risk of contracting
HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases.” [82] (pages 209-210)
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EDUCATION
23.15 Europa World (accessed on 4 February 2011) stated that:
“Education is provided free of charge in government schools and at the University of
Asmara. There are also some fee-paying private schools. Education is officially
compulsory for children between seven and 13 years of age. Primary education begins
at the age of seven and lasts for five years. Secondary education, beginning at 12 years
of age, lasts for up to six years, comprising a first cycle of two years and a second of
four years.” [24] (Society and Media). Awate reported on 4 June 2010 that the University of
Asmara was closed down in 2006. [27l]
23.16 The UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund) State of the World’s Children report,
published in November 2009, stat ed that the primary school net enrolment/attendance
(number of children enrolled in or attending primary school , expressed as a percentage
of the total number of children of primar y school age) in the 2003-2008 period was 47.
[52c]
23.17 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that: PDF page 90
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“Education through grade seven is compulsory, and tuition free; however, students were
responsible for uniforms, supplies, and transportation, which was prohibitively
expensive for many families. Education above grade seven requires a nominal fee and
was not compulsory. There was a shortage of schools and teachers at all levels,
remedied in part by holding morning and afternoon shifts at schools. In rural areas,
young girls usually left school early to work at home.” [3b] (section 6)
23.18 A report published in t he Eritrean government Shabai t website on 11 March 2009
stated:
“The Executive Director of the National Board for Higher Education, Dr. Tadesse
Mehari, said that the expansion of colleges of higher education in all the administrative
regions has become a cornerstone in developing competent manpower.
“He said that the University of Asmara that was the sole institution of higher learning in
the country used to enroll only about 1,000 students. At present, however, tens of
thousands of students have become beneficiaries of higher education thanks to the
opening of a number of colleges across the nation.
“Dr. Tadesse further noted that the colleges opened over the past couple of years
include the Eritrean Institute of Technology in Mai Nefhi, the Hamelmalo Agricultural
College, the College of Health Sciences, the Orotta School of Medicine, the College of
Marine Science and Technology, the College of Business and Economics as well as the
College of Arts and Social Science. To-date, a total of 3,000 students have graduated in
degree and diploma from the newly opened institutions of higher education, he added.”
[46c]
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HEALTH AND WELFARE
23.19 The UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund) State of the World’s Children report,
published in November 2009, provided the follo wing statistical information about the
health of Eritrean children: PDF page 91
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91
* Data refers to the most recent year available during the period specified
x Data refers to years or periods other than those specified; differ from the standard definition,
or refer to only part of a country.
[52c]
UNICEF statistical information
Health of children in Eritrea
99 percentage of one-year-old children immunised against
tuberculosis (2008)
99 percentage of one-year-old children who have received their first
dose of diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus vaccine (2008)
97 percentage of one-year-old children who have received three
doses of diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus vaccine (2008)
percentage of one-year-old children who have received three
doses of polio vaccine (2008)
96
percentage of one-year-old children immunised against measles
(2008)
95
percentage of one-year-old children who have received three
doses of hepatitis B vaccine (2008)
97
percentage of one-year-old children who have received three
doses of haemophilus type b vaccine (2008)
97
percentage of new-borns protected against tetanus (2008) 86
percentage of children under five years old with diarrhoea receiving
oral rehydration and continued feeding 2005-2008*
54x
percentage of children under five years old with fever receiving
anti-malarial drugs 2006-2008*
4x
23.20 The health of Eritrean child ren has improved over the last few years according to an
article published in the Shaebia website on 10 December 2008:
“Eritrea is one of the few third world countries that are expected to achieve the
Millennium Development Goals on the health sector in general and child health in
particular. The country has registered remarkable progress in child mortality rate over
the last 17 years…while African children’s health care situation is at a low level, Eritrea
has given a good lesson to the rest of the continent. Eritrea reduced child death rate by
50 percent and that makes it one of the few countries on track for achieving the
Millennium Development Goals.
“According to the report of the Ministry of Health, the achievement is attributed to
regular vaccination, public campaigns, dedication of health workers, high community
participation, and above all the political commitment of the country. Consequently, PDF page 92
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Eritrean children are now free from polio, measles, tetanus and the malaria mortality
rate has also dropped dramatically over the last few years.
“Community based child health care, one of the most effective measures, was
established in 2005 in 17 villages, and in 2007 it reached 63. These centers played an
important role in the provision of health services to remote areas of the country where
the majority of the people live.” [44a]
23.21 The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided financial
aid and other assistance to the Eritrean go vernment to help improve the health of
Eritrean children, as noted in an article in its website, undated, accessed on 19 October
2010:
“Having endured a thirty year struggle for independence and a recent border skirmish,
Eritrea’s health system was inadequate with poor facilities, and lacking both supplies
and skilled healthcare staff. In 1995, just 41% of children 12-23 months were fully
vaccinated and 38% had received no vaccinations at all. Infant and child mortality rates
were 72 and 136 per 1000, respectively.
“USAID provides approximately $2.5 million annually to improve maternal and child
health in Eritrea. As part of this larger assistance program, the Ministry of Health (MoH)
identified several key areas in which USAID could make a contribution to improving
immunization and child health. USAID, through a $2.3 million grant, helped to supply
both equipment and training in the implementation and management of an expanded
program for immunization.
“USAID also assisted the MoH to begin the implementation of integrated management
of childhood illness (IMCI). With USAID help, the MoH conducted a baseline survey to
determine the ability of health facilities and health workers to implement IMCI. Over 500
health care providers at all levels of the health care system were trained in IMCI case
management.
“A follow-up assessment of health facilities was completed in 2003 and showed
tremendous improvement in the availability of equipment and drugs necessary to
implement IMCI. Assessment practices of providers also improved - checking for the
three danger signs increased from 0% to 37%; checking for cough, diarrhea and fever
increased from 25% to 89%; and checking immunization status increased from 19% to
58%.
“Immunization coverage increased in fully vaccinated children 12-23 months from 41%
in 1995 to 76% in 2002. According to the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS), this
level of immunization coverage is the highest among sub-Saharan African countries in
the past five years and the rate of improvement - 83% over 7 years - is remarkable at a
time when immunization coverage has decreased in Africa on average.” [45]
23.22 The quoted information above relates to aid that has been provided by USAID but this
aid is longer being provided, as noted in the United States State Department
Background Note on Eritrea (updated 22 October 2010 version):
“In the past, the United States has provided substantial assistance to Eritrea, including
food and development. In FY 2004, the United States provided over $65 million in
humanitarian aid to Eritrea, including $58.1 million in food assistance and $3.47 million PDF page 93
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93
in refugee support. In 2005, the Government of Eritrea told USAID to cease operations.
At the Eritrean Government's request, the United States no longer provides bilateral
development assistance to Eritrea.” [3a]
See also Human Rights - Introduction; Trafficking - Overview; Medical Issues;
and Students and conscription
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24. T RAFFICKING
OVERVIEW
24.01 The United Stat es State Department Trafficking in Persons Report 2010 , published on
14 June 2010, stated:
“Eritrea is a source country for men, women, and children subjected to trafficking in
persons, specifically conditions of forced labor and, to a lesser extent, forced
prostitution. During the reporting period, acts of forced labor occurred in Eritrea,
particularly in connection with the implementation of the country’s national service
program…each year, large numbe rs of Eritrean workers migrate in search of work,
particularly to the Gulf States and Egypt, where some become victims of forced labor,
primarily in domestic servitude. Smaller numbers are subjected to forced prostitution. In
2009, for example, five Eritrean trafficking victims were identified in the United Kingdom
and one in Israel. In addition, thousands of Eritreans flee the country illegally, mostly to
Sudan, Ethiopia, and Kenya, where their illegal status makes them vulnerable to
situations of human trafficking.” [3d] (Eritrea)
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GOVERNMENT EFFORTS TO TACKLE TRAFFICKING
24.02 The United Stat es State Department Trafficking in Persons Report 2010 stated:
“The Government of Eritrea does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the
elimination of trafficking and is not making significant efforts to do so. The Eritrean
government does not operate with transparency and published neither data nor
statistics regarding its efforts to combat human trafficking; it did not respond to requests
to provide information for this report…t he Government of Eritrea made no known
progress in prosecuting and punishing trafficking crimes over the reporting period.
Article 605 of the Eritrean Transitional Criminal Code prohibits trafficking in women and
young persons for sexual exploitation, which is punishable by up to five years’
imprisonment, or from three to 10 years’ imprisonment if aggravating circumstances are
present; these penalties are not commensurate with punishments prescribed for other
serious crimes, such as rape. Article 565 prohibits enslavement and prescribes
punishment of five to 20 years’ imprisonment, penalties which are sufficiently stringent.
Forced labor and slavery are prohibited, except where authorized by law under Article
16 of the ratified, but suspended, Eritrean Constitution. Proclamation 11/199 prohibits
the recruitment of children under 18 years of age into the armed forces. Nevertheless, PDF page 94
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the government has never used these statutes to prosecute cases of human trafficking.
The government did not publish information on investigations or prosecutions, if any, of
human trafficking offenses during the reporting period…the government made no known
efforts to prevent future incidences of trafficking during the reporting period. Eritrean
media, all state-owned, made neither public announcements nor media presentations
regarding human trafficking during the reporting period. There were no anti-trafficking
education campaigns. The government reportedly warned students at Sawa military
school and Mai Nefi, a local college, of the dangers of leaving the country, including the
prospects of being sold into slave labor or sexual servitude. Although the government
does not publicly acknowledge human trafficking as a problem, an office exists within
the Ministry of Labor to handle labor cases, including human trafficking; the
accomplishments of this office during 2009 are unknown. Limited resources and a small
number of inspectors impeded the ministry’s ability to conduct investigations; the
government did not provide information on the number of child labor inspections it
carried out in 2009…the Ministry of Labor re portedly reviewed all applications for
permits to grant passports and exit visas to legal migrant workers, and immigration
agents closely monitored anyone entering or leaving the country. Eritrea is not a party to
the 2000 UN TIP Protocol…it is not known w hether the government encouraged victims’
assistance in the investigation and prosecution of trafficking crimes or whether it
provided legal alternatives to the removal of foreign victims to countries where they
would face hardship or retribution. The government did not ensure that identified victims
were not inappropriately incarcerated, fined, or otherwise penalized solely for unlawful
acts committed as a direct result of being trafficked.” [3d] (Eritrea)
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PROTECTION
24.03 The United Stat es State Department Trafficking in Persons Report 2010 stated:
“The government did not appear to provide any significant assistance to victims of
trafficking during the reporting period. During the reporting period, the government
reportedly operated a program to identify children involved in commercial sexual
exploitation and reintegrate them with their families. The government did not make
available information on the program’s accomplishments in 2009. The Ministry of Labor
and Human Welfare oversees the government’s trafficking portfolio, but individual cases
of transnational human trafficking are reportedly handled by the Eritrean embassy in the
country of destination; information regarding embassy efforts to assist trafficking victims
was not provided. The government has no known facilities dedicated to trafficking
victims and does not provide funding or other forms of support to NGOs for services to
trafficking victims.” [3d] (Eritrea)
See also Human Rights - Introduction; Children; Women
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25. M EDICAL ISSUES
OVERVIEW OF AVAILABILITY OF MEDICAL TREATMENT AND DRUGS PDF page 95
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25.01 The World Health Organisation Eritrea Country Cooperation Strategy 2009 - 2013 report
published in 2009 stated that:
“Since independence in 1991, Eritrea has made considerable progress in promoting
equitable, accessible and affordable health services to the majority of its citizens with
the support of its partners. This is demonstrated by the significant improvement of
health indicators…the country still experiences acute shortage of human resource at all
levels of the Health Care delivery System. The health service is delivered in a three tier
system in the country and an effort to improve the referral system is underway.” [22b]
25.02 The AmeriCares (NGO) website (access ed on 28 January 2011) pr ovided the following
information about Eritean health services:
“Ongoing violence, recurring droughts and a rural population in Eritrea pose great
challenges for the new country's health care system. Eritrea gained its independence
from neighboring Ethiopia in 1993. Ninety percent of the country's 5 million people are
allowed to access free medical treatment at public hospitals and clinics.
“However, Eritrea has only one doctor per 10,000 people and most health care
providers are located in urban areas. With 80% of the country's population living in rural
areas, it is much harder to access health care or travel to urban health facilities. The
lack of access to medical care leads to needless deaths in patients with treatable
illnesses, new mothers and children under the age of 5.
“Strengthening the public health system is a priority. In recent years, significant
investments have been made and several new hospitals and teaching facilities were
opened to reach medically underserved communities.” [69]
25.03 The Eritrean public have bee n openly critical of health se rvices, as a recent Shabait
(government website) report, dated 10 December 2010, noted:
“Members of the public expressed complaints with the long-hour lining up at Halibet
Hospital for getting medical card[s] before receiving treatment that is causing extra
suffering to patients.
“They stated that intensive lining up is a daily phenomenon in the hospital as there
exists no separate facility for getting medical cards to children and adults. In this
connection, members of the public voiced criticism against the Health Ministry in
general and the Administration of Halibet Hospital in particular for failing to take
meaningful action towards tackling the problem.
“They went on to say that additional staff members need to be assigned in the card-
provision service. They further explained that although the hospital is rendering better
and fair medical service, concerted action need nonetheless be taken to upgrade work
performance.” [46h]
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HIV/AIDS – ANTI-RETROVIRAL TREATMENT PDF page 96
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25.04 A report submitted by the Sexual Rights Initiative (associa tion of NGOs) to the United
Nations Human Rights Council, in Decem ber 2009, for the purpos es of a Universal
Periodic Review, stated:
“Eritrea faces a rapid expansion of the HIV/AIDS pandemic within the next few years.
The number of people infected by HIV could increase significantly…while figures
compiled since 1997 indicate that HIV prevalence in the adult population is around 3
percent, a recent survey of the army revealed that 4.6 percent of soldiers were HIV-
positive. The same study showed an HIV prevalence of 22.8 percent among female bar
workers.
“Since the first AIDS case in Eritrea was reported in 1988, the progress of the disease
has been rapid. By 2004, more than 13,000 people had been registered as infected.
About 2,500 of these cases were reported in 2001 alone. Other statistics also
demonstrate how quickly the pandemic has expanded. In 1996, AIDS was claimed to be
the 10th highest cause of death in Eritrean hospitals. By last year [2008] it was the
second leading cause of death among patients over five years of age…awareness
campaigns have also been organised by the government for groups considered at
higher risk of being infected, such as truckers and commercial sex workers. But HIV is
still a stigma in Eritrea, so another problem is that those infected do not reveal their
condition and thus have no access to proper assistance.“ [83]
25.05 The Relentless Endeavors Underway to Prevent HIV/Aids Infection report, published in
the Eritrean government Shabait website in December 2009, about medical services for
people with AIDS stated that:
“The number of visitors of the voluntary HIV/AIDS blood testing and counseling service
is on the rise which in turn contributed to the reduction of HIV infection, stated Dr.
Andeberhan Tesfatsion, director of HIV/AIDS and TB in the Ministry of Health.
“In a meeting held at Hotel Asmara Palace, he commended the encouraging endeavors
of all institutions and partners in preventing the spread of the infection and uprooting the
discriminatory attitude of the society towards persons living with HIV/AIDS.
“Dr. Andeberhan further pointed out that the Government is working diligently in
introducing age prolonging medicine (ART- Antiretroviral Therapy) and distributing it to
people living with HIV/AIDS free of charge, and thereby enable [sic] them become
productive.
“He explained that although the spread of HIV/AIDS is at its lowest level in Eritrea
compared to other countries in the region, concerted action is nonetheless needed as
the country is located in high-risk zone.” [46b]
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DIALYSIS
25.06 Shabait (Eritrean government website) reported on 21 November 2008 that “…dialysis
treatment for patients suffe ring from kidney disease ha s been introduced in Eritrea.
Accordingly, Orotta Referral Hospital has introduced four modern equipments [sic] to
this end.” The report also stat ed that “…Eritrean nurses have been trained to properly PDF page 97
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monitor the newly introduced e quipments [sic]”, and also that “…previously, patients
who require dialysis treatment used to travel abroad for the treatment.” [46a]
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MENTAL HEALTH
25.07 Regarding mental health care in Er itrea, the World Health Organization Mental Health
Atlas, published in 2005, stated t hat although there a mental health policy was devised
in 1997, there is no specific mental health l egislation other than prov isions in the Penal
Code; there is no national mental health pr ogramme, nor budget allocations for mental
health. [22a] (pages 1-2) . On actual provision, the WHO Mental Health Atlas stated that
“mental health is a part of the primary health care system. Actual treatment of severe
mental disorders is available at the primary level. Severe mental disorders are primarily
treated at the tertiary level (at St Mary’s P sychiatric Hospital). Ho wever, limited care is
available at secondary and primary levels.” [22a] (p2) . The WHO Mental Health Atlas
2005 notes that phenobarbital, chlorpromazine, and diazepam are available at the
primary health care level. [22a] (p3)
See also Overview of availability of medical treatment and drugs
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26. H UMANITARIAN ISSUES
OVERVIEW
26.01 A situation update of the UNICEF (United Nations Children’s Fund) Humanitarian Action
2010 Report (Eritrea section) stated that:
“The overall operating environment in Eritrea during the first half of 2010 has been
challenging, with the imposition of UN sanctions in late 2009 following allegations that
Eritrea was supporting insurgents fighting against the Somali Transitional Federal
Government. The sanctions include an arms embargo, the inspection and seizure of
Eritrean cargo in UN member states, travel bans and asset freezes against specified
government and military leaders. Asmara has condemned the sanctions decision,
reinforcing the country’s position of self-sufficiency. While it is difficult to prove direct
attribution of the impact of sanctions on UNICEF operations, relations between the
Government of Eritrea and development and humanitarian partners have been strained,
with continued restrictions on field movement for routine monitoring and supervision.
“Issues concerning food security remain paramount, with food prices remaining high
across key commodity groups, limited movement of food from Sudan due to shortages,
and an overall decline in livelihoods affecting the nutrition status of vulnerable
communities. This is coupled with the continued needs in improving access to clean
water and sanitation, particularly in rural areas. While the country remains optimistic that
the Azmera rains (for the first planting season) will provide the necessary conditions for
this year’s harvest, UNICEF continues to focus its efforts on supporting the
improvement of the nutritional status of children in the country…while UNICEF has been
able to maintain good relationships with counterparts at national and regional levels, the PDF page 98
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complex operating environment characterized by fuel shortages, capacity issues
amongst counterparts in monitoring and fund utilization, restricted private sector
involvement in construction, as well as travel restrictions on international staff, has
slowed the pace of programme implementation and increased the burden on UNICEF’s
support services.” [52a]
26.02 A 2009 report on the human right s situation in Eritrea, jo intly submitted by Human
Rights Concern Eritrea and Christian Solidarity Worldwi de, for a United Nations
Universal Periodic Review stated that:
“The government has now begun to monopolize food distribution. Erratic rainfall, the
border problem with Ethiopia and the delayed demobilization of agriculturalists from the
military have caused grain production to be well below normal for years. As a result,
most of the population is dependent on food and financial aid, which is now disallowed
by the government, for fear of losing control of the population to foreign elements.
…food insecurity has now reached critical levels, with reports indicating imminent
famine. The only food outlets where food can be legally purchased are run by the
government; tiny amounts of food are sold at inflated prices to those fortunate enough
to be able to purchase anything…drought coupled with government restrictions and
policies that include buying farm produce at 50% of its value, have driven farmers to
bankruptcy or into the black market economy. The Food Commodities Distribution
Program, using a coupon-system, controls every gram of food consumed by every
member of each household, and information is fed into a database ensuring even more
state control and manipulation. The program calls itself ‘Fair Price’; in reality the prices
are extremely exorbitant. So severe is the food shortage that some people are unable to
find grain in their own villages, yet attempting to obtain maize, wheat, sorghum or other
types of grains from elsewhere has now become an illegal activity, as the authorities
have blocked the transfer of food stuffs from one region of the country to another,
banned the selling of maize, barley and other grain in open-air markets, and even
conducts house-to-house searches for 'illegally-obtained produce’.” [71]
26.03 A BBC News report, dat ed 24 December 2009, indicated that the Eritrean government’s
policy on food distribution may have worsened t he food shortage problem that exists in
some parts of the country. The report stated that “…Eritrea's drive for food self-
sufficiency is opening it to allegations of grain confiscation - a charge the government
denies, and which is difficult to verify,” and that “…Eritrea is turnin g down food aid.” The
report stated also that Eritrea's ambassado r to the European Union told the BBC that
the “…Eritrean government had its own stra tegy for dealing with the food shortage,
including transporting grain from parts of the country which…had enjoyed a bumper
harvest.” Eritreans who had fled across the border to Ethiopi a, however, told the BBC
that “…their government's poli cy was causing widespread hunger.” [25g]
See also Economy
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INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS)
26.04 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated that:
“During 2008 almost all of t he IDPs from the conflict with Ethiopia were permanently
resettled, although 1,800 IDP families rema ined in the Gash Baraka region. The PDF page 99
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government allowed UN or ganizations and the ICRC to provide assistance to former
IDPs.” [3b] (section 2d)
26.05 The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Internal Displacement - Global Overview
of Trends and Developments in 2009 report, published in May 2010, stated that:
“According to OCHA’s [United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian
Affairs] Displaced Population Report of October 2009, there were no IDPs in Eritrea.
However, UN and human rights sources reported that an estimated 10,000 people were
yet to be resettled who had been displaced during the 1998-2000 border war between
Eritrea and Ethiopia over the contested Badme region.
“There were no major conflicts between Eritrea and its neighbours in 2009, although
tensions over regions on the borders with Ethiopia and Djibouti remained and could yet
lead to security and humanitarian crises if left unresolved.
“The war with Ethiopia displaced an estimated million people within Eritrea. After the
conflict ended, the government and its international partners made efforts to help
displaced families return to their home areas, and assisted others who wished to
resettle in other parts of the country. They invested in programmes to provide basic
services and livelihoods to families that had returned or settled in other villages.
“The government reported in December 2009 that the internally displaced families who
had resettled were leading better lives as a result of the development and livelihoods
programmes which it had implemented.
“However, despite these efforts, it is difficult to say whether IDPs have found durable
solutions in areas of return or resettlement. The government has not accepted
proposals made by the UN country team to carry out a joint assessment, although the
last assessment dates back to 2006.” [70]
26.06 A Shabait (Eritrean gover nment website) report, dated 16 December 2009, about the
resettlement of IDPs, stated:
“The Administrator of the Southern region, Mr. Mustafa Nurhusein, said that displaced
families following the TPLF [Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (Ethiopia)] regime’s war
of aggression and currently being rehabilitated and those relocated from higher areas
are leading a better standard of living thanks to the support being extended by the
regional Administration and partners.
“In the course of a visit to the displaced nationals, he asserted that the families have
already become beneficiaries of various social services, and that they are leading an
improved standard of living.” [46d]
26.07 During 2010, families who had been displac ed were resettled, as noted in a Shabait
report dated 9 July 2010:
“About 625 families who were displaced as a result of the TPLF regime’s war of
aggression and currently being regrouped in Mihrad Chele, Tsorona sub-zone, have
now settled in the newly constructed residential houses. They expressed satisfaction for
settling in the newly constructed residential houses before the onset of the rainy season
thanks to the 20 million Nakfa worth building materials made available by the PDF page 100
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Government…the coordinator of IDP projects in the Southern region, Eng. Beshir
Abdusemed, pointed out that 80% of the construction of the residential houses has
been finalized and the beneficiaries have already settled in it. He further stated that IDP
families from the villages of Debasit, Dibi, Igri-Mekel, Enda-Sherif, Korbelie, Mihrad-
Chele and Kolemia would become beneficiaries of the project. About 17,000 Nakfa
worth building materials and a sum of money amounting to 15,000 Nakfa have been
extended to each family, he added.” [46e]
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27. F REEDOM OF MOVEMENT
27.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“The law and unimplemented constitution provide for freedom of movement, foreign
travel, emigration, and repatriation; however, the government restricted some of these
rights in practice…while citizens could ge nerally travel freely within the country and
change their places of residence, the government restricted travel to some areas within
the country, particularly along the border with Sudan and Ethiopia. The government
continually modified its requirements to obtain passports and exit visas, sometimes
suspending passport or exit visa services without prior warning. Citizens participating in
national service were often denied internal travel permits, passports, and exit visas.
Many persons who previously were issued passports were not allowed to renew them,
nor were they granted exit visas. Military police periodically set up roadblocks in Asmara
and on roads between other cities to find draft evaders and deserters. Police also
stopped persons on the street and forcibly detained those who were unable to present
identification documents or movement papers showing they had permission to be in that
area.” [3b] (section 2d)
27.02 The Human Rights Watch 2009 Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report stated:
“Severe restrictions on freedom of movement are in place. As more and more of its
citizens leave the country, the government’s methods to try and stem the exodus have
become more brutal…within Er itrea, movement is equally circumscribed through a
variety of mechanisms…a visitor to Erit rea in late 2008 described buses being
frequently stopped and passengers asked for ID cards: some possessed laminated
cards showing that they had completed national service, others had letters authorizing
travel to a specific place and for a limited period of time.” [29c] (p62-63)
27.03 Foreign nationals in Asmara need permission to travel outside the city, as noted in the
Travel Advice (updated 15 October 2010) section of the United Kingdom Foreign and
Commonwealth Office website:
”All foreign nationals are required to have a travel permit to leave Asmara. This includes
Embassy officials and other foreign nationals resident/working in Eritrea. Those working
outside Asmara are also required to have a travel permit to leave their area of residence
or work. Applications for such travel permits in Asmara are handled by the Department
of Protocol of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (or relevant ministry). Applications outside PDF page 101
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Asmara are handled by the local Zoba (Region) Administration Offices. Permission may
take several days to be granted and is sometimes refused or delayed.” [10c]
27.04 According to information, dated 10 August 2010, obtained from th e British Embassy in
Asmara from Eritrean sources:
“Travel permits are required to travel anywhere in Eritrea, travel to border areas is not
permitted. They are issued by the Ministry of Defence (MOD), the Demobilisation
Commission and other local administration offices. The format is not standard, for those
who have completed their national service, they can travel using their ID Card and their
demobilisation papers. If issued by the MOD, the travel permit contains: full name, date
of travel, expiry date of permit and where travelling to and from. The demobilisation
paper contains: full name, military number, date of birth, national service details and a
photograph of the holder. Anyone found trying to leave without the necessary permit or
demobilisation paper will be detained until they can prove they have completed their
national service. Those who have not reported for national service will be detained as
deserters and sent to a military training camp. ID cards are compulsory for anyone over
the age of 18. They are issued by the Department of Immigration and Nationality in a
standard format. They contain: full name, date of birth, place of birth, address and a
photograph of the holder. ID cards need to be carried at all times. If found not to be in
possession of an ID card, individuals will be detained until such time as one can be
produced. They rely on friends or guards to inform their family of their detention.” [10e]
See also Round-ups (Giffas)
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28. C ITIZENSHIP AND NATIONALITY
28.01 The legal requirements for Eritrean nationality are set out in Eritrean Nationality
Proclamation 21/1992, which became law on 6 April 1992. Eritrean nationality can be
acquired through birth, adoption, naturalisation, and marriage. Dual nationality is not
allowed. The Proclamation also contains pr ovisions that allow citizenship to be
rescinded. [2]
28.02 Article 2 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to birth in Eritrea and states that:
“1 Any person born to a father or a mother of Eritrean origin in Eritrea or abroad is an
Eritrean national by birth.
“2 A person who has ‘Eritrean origin’ is any person who was resident in Eritrea in 1933.
“3. A person born in Eritrea of unknown parents shall be considered an Eritrean national
by birth until proven otherwise.
“4. Any person who is an Eritrean by origin or by birth shall, upon application, be given
a certificate of nationality by the Department of Internal Affairs.
“5. Any person who is Eritrean by birth, resides abroad and possesses foreign
nationality shall apply to the Department of Internal Affairs if he wishes to officially
renounce his foreign nationality and acquire Eritrean nationality or wishes, after PDF page 102
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providing adequate justification, to have his Eritrean nationality accepted while
maintaining his foreign nationality.” [2]
28.03 Article 3 of the Nationalit y Proclamation relates to individuals who were born abroad and
entered and resided in Eritrea between 1934 and 1951 and states that:
“1. Eritrean nationality is hereby granted to any person who is not of Eritrean origin and
who entered, and resided in, Eritrea between the beginning of 1934 and the end of
1951, provided that he has not committed anti-people acts during the liberation struggle
of the Eritrean people. He shall, upon application, be given a certificate of nationality by
the Department of Internal Affairs, provided that he has not rejected Eritrean nationality.
The provisions of article 2(5) of this Proclamation shall apply when such a person
possesses the nationality of another country.
“2. Any person born to a person mentioned in sub-article 1 of this article is Eritrean by
birth. The Department of Internal Affairs shall, upon his application, issue him a
certificate of nationality.
“3. The Department of Internal Affairs shall revoke the nationality of any person
mentioned in sub-article 1 of this article where it determines that he had acquired
Eritrean nationality or the certificate of Eritrean nationality by fraud, deceit or
concealment of decisive facts.” [2]
28.04 Article 4 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to individuals who were born abroad and
entered and resided in Eritrea in 1952 or thereafter and states that:
“1. Any person who is not of Eritrean origin and has entered, and resided in, Eritrea in
1952 or after shall apply for Eritrean nationality to the Secretary of Internal Affairs.
“2. The Secretary of Internal Affairs shall grant Nationality by Naturalization to the
person mentioned in sub-article 1 of this article provided that the person:
a) has entered Eritrea legally and has been domiciled in Eritrea for a period of ten (10)
years before 1974 or has been domiciled in Eritrea for a period of twenty (20) years
while making periodic visits abroad;
b) possesses high integrity and has not been convicted of any crime;
c) understands and speaks one of the languages of Eritrea;
d) is free of any of the mental or physical handicaps mentioned in article 339-340 of the
Transitory Civil Code of Eritrea, will not become a burden to Eritrean society and can
provide for his own and his family's needs;
e) has renounced the nationality of another country, pursuant to the legislation of that
country;
f) has decided to be permanently domiciled in Eritrea upon the granting of his Eritrean
nationality;
g) has not committed anti-people acts during the liberation struggle of the Eritrean
people. PDF page 103
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“3. A person shall be granted Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization and given a
certificate of nationality pursuant to sub-article 2 of this article only after he signs the
oath of allegiance attached to, and is part of, this Proclamation before the Secretary of
Internal Affairs or any other official designated by him. Eritrean nationality granted
pursuant to article 4 of this Proclamation shall be proclaimed in the Gazette of Eritrean
Laws.
“4. A person given a certificate of Eritrean nationality pursuant to sub-article 2 of this
article shall acquire the status of a Naturalized Eritrean national as of the date of receipt
of the certificate.
“5. The Secretary of Internal Affairs may cause the name of any offspring on whose
behalf an application has been made by a person responsible for him under the law and
who has been granted Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization to be included in the
certificate of nationality of the applying person. The minor offspring shall acquire the
status of a naturalized national as of the date of the inclusion of his name.
“6. Any person born to a naturalized Eritrean national pursuant to article 4 of this
Proclamation after the person has been granted the status of a Naturalized National
becomes an Eritrean by birth.” [2]
28.05 Article 5 of the Nationalit y Proclamation relates to obtai ning nationality by adoption and
states that: “The Secretary of Internal Affairs shall gr ant Eritrean Nationality by
Naturalization and issue a certificate of nati onality to a person adopted legally by, and
upon the application of, an Eritrean national by birth or by Naturalization or by the
adopted person himself.” [2]
28.06 Article 6 of the Nationalit y Proclamation relates to obtaining nationality through marriage
and states that:
“1. Any person of non-Eritrean origin who is legally married to an Eritrean national by
birth or to a person granted Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization shall be granted
Eritrean Nationality by Naturalization when such a person applies to the Secretary of
Internal Affairs, provided that the person:
a) has lived in Eritrea with the spouse for at least three (3) years;
b) has renounced his foreign nationality and is prepared to acquire Eritrean nationality;
c) signs an oath of allegiance pursuant to article 4(3).
“2. A person who had been granted Eritrean nationality by reason of marriage shall be
deprived of his nationality by the Secretary of Internal Affairs where such a person
chooses to re-acquire his original nationality upon the death of the spouse or by divorce
or when the marriage is declared null and void by a court of law.” [2]
28.07 Article 8 of the Nationality Proclamation relates to th e deprivation of nationality and
states that:
“1. A committee composed of the Secretaries of Justice, Internal Affairs and Public
Administration may deprive of his nationality an Eritrean national by birth or an Eritrean PDF page 104
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granted Nationality by Naturalization pursuant to article 4 hereof, who has attained the
age of eighteen and has capacity under the law where such a person:
a) voluntarily acquires a foreign nationality after the publication of this Proclamation; or
b) officially renounces his Eritrean nationality; or
c) signs an oath of allegiance of another country after the publication of this
Proclamation; or
d) in violation of an explicit provision of Eritrean law, serves or continues to serve
another country; or
e) is condemned for treason by a court of law.
“2. A committee composed of the Secretaries of Justice, Internal Affairs and Public
Administration may deprive of his Nationality a person who has been granted Eritrean
Nationality by Naturalization (articles 4 to 6) where such a person:
a) acquires Eritrean nationality or a certificate of nationality by fraud, deceit or
concealment of decisive facts; or
b) is confirmed, that he has, by illegally contacting external powers, committed acts
which aided and abetted an enemy;
c) has committed treason outside Eritrea;
d) has been indicted for a crime and sentenced to more than five years imprisonment;
e) has committed any one of the acts enumerated in sub article(l) hereof.
“3. A person shall be deprived of his nationality pursuant to sub-articles (l) and (2)
hereof only after the necessary investigation has been conducted and after such a
person has been given an opportunity to defend himself.” [2]
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ETHIOPIANS IN ERITREA
28.08 The Human Rights Watch report, The Horn Of Africa War: Mass Expulsions and the
Nationality Issue, published in January 2003, noted that:
“The legal status of Ethiopian residents in Eritrea who had not sought Eritrean
nationality at the time of the war’s [with Ethiopia] outbreak [in 1998] does not appear to
be in dispute. The Eritrean government as a rule considered them as aliens. It did not
automatically issue the Eritrean national identity card or passport to these Ethiopians
nor did it recruit them for employment reserved for nationals. Ethiopians were also not
called up for military service in Eritrea. For the purposes of residency and departure
procedures, the Eritrean government continued to deal with Ethiopian nationals under
the normal institutions and procedures governing aliens residing in the country, i.e. they
were required to acquire residency permits and obtain exit visas to leave the country.”
[29d] (p31) PDF page 105
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28.09 An International Committee of the Red Cr oss report, published in August 2009, stated
that “…the Eritrean authorities have inform ed the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) that it wi ll no longer be involved in any r epatriation of Ethiopians from the
country. According to the authorities, this decision was motivated by the unilateral
cancellation of two repatriation operations in late 2008 and early 2009 by Ethiopia”. The
report further stated that si nce 2000, more than 43,000 Ethiopi an and Eritrean civilians
have been repatriated to their respective countries, and that “the decision of the Eritrean
authorities to terminate the ICRC’s involvement in the repatr iations does not affect the
right of Ethiopian nationals to leave Eritrea if they wish to do so.” [47]
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29. I DENTITY (ID) CARDS AND DOCUMENTATION
29.01 The British Embassy in Asmara in Augus t 2010 obtained the following information from
Eritrean sources:
“ID cards are compulsory for anyone over the age of 18. They are issued by the
Department of Immigration and Nationality in a standard format. They contain: full
name, date of birth, place of birth, address and a photograph of the holder. ID cards
need to be carried at all times. If found not to be in possession of an ID card, individuals
will be detained until such time as one can be produced. They rely on friends or guards
to inform their family of their detention…by virtue of Ar ticle 51 of the T/Criminal
Procedure Code of Eritrea, the police and army are empowered to carry out routine
checks on individuals unless the person concerned is a member of the diplomatic
community. Individuals have to produce their ID card and demobilisation
papers…according to Art 5 of the Eritrean Peopl es’ Liberation Front (EPLF) Civil Law,
every People’s Congress has the duty and responsibility to organise Civil Status
Officers who shall register births, marriages and deaths within its jurisdiction, and are
duty-bound to issue certificates on request by any individual, as prescribed under Article
9 of the law. But in practice People’s Congresses have not yet been re-established
since independence in the spirit of the law. Therefore, registration of births, marriages
and deaths is not available except in Asmara. Registration in Asmara has been in
practice since the time of Italian colonisation, however, registration is not mandatory for
the people - even in Asmara. That said, most people do register births in order to
include all family members on their ration cards. There is no central register office
where records are held.” [10e]
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30. E XIT AND RETURN
PASSPORT APPLICATIONS
30.01 The British Embassy in Asmara in Apr il 2010 obtained the follo wing information from
Eritrean sources about passport applications:
“Individuals working in a government ministry or agency must obtain ministerial
permission before applying for a passport. Other individuals must obtain authorisation
from a local government administrator and present a birth certificate, any PDF page 106
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military/national service medical exemption documents, and an ID card. The
administrator will then instruct the Department of Immigration (which has offices in
regional capitals) to issue a passport. All of the Department of Immigration’s regional
offices can issue passports. There is a fee for this service. For some time now, it has
been very difficult to obtain first-issue passports. In practice, those individuals who are
exempt from military/national service, such as people who are ill or old, as well as
government officials who need to travel abroad on official business, will find it easier to
obtain passports. Even in these cases, however, there is no guarantee that a passport
application will be accepted. Passports, which are due to go biometric at some point,
are printed in English, Tigrinya and Arabic.” [10a]
30.02 Awate reported on 19 April 2010 that:
“Cash strapped and facing sanctions and asset-freezes, the Government of Eritrea has
issued an order to its embassies to annul all Eritrean Passports and to require Eritrean
passport-holders to apply for new ones by paying USD $200 (for expatriates) and Nakfa
3000 for Eritrean residents.
“Unlike the old passports, which were valid for 5 years, the new ones will have to be
renewed every 2 years…the decision to reduc e the expiration date of the passports
from 5 to 2 years will be specially onerous on Eritreans residing in Middle Eastern
countries who are required to have valid passports from their native country to secure
employment in their host countries. When renewing their passports, they are asked to
pay the passport fee, any 2% income tax in arrears (tax on income generated in the
host country), as well as any other fee that was imposed by the ruling party (national
defense fee, adopt-a-martyr fee, fight-the-sanction-fee, etc.).” [27m]
30.03 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights report on Eritrea noted that:
“The government does not recognize dual citizenship; therefore, all persons of Eritrean
descent are citizens. In general citizens had the right to return; however, citizens had to
show proof that they paid the 2 percent tax on foreign earned income to be eligible for
some government services, including exit visas upon their departure from the country.
Applications to return to the country filed by citizens living abroad were considered on a
case-by-case basis if the applicant had broken the law, contracted a serious contagious
disease, or was declared ineligible for political asylum by other governments.”
[3b] (section 2d)
See Freedom of Movement
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EXIT VISAS AND ILLEGAL EXIT
30.04 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights report on Eritrea stated:
“Citizens and some foreign nationals were required to obtain exit visas to depart the
country. Persons routinely denied exit visas included men up to the age of 54,
regardless of whether they had completed national service; women under the age of 47;
members of Jehovah’s Witnesses; and other persons out of favour with, or seen as
critical of, the government. In 2006 the government began refusing to issue exit visas to
children 11 years and older. The government also refused to issue exit visas to children, PDF page 107
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some as young as five years of age, either on the grounds that they were approaching
the age of eligibility for national service or because their expatriate parents had not paid
the 2 percent income tax required of all citizens residing abroad. Some citizens were
given exit visas only after posting bonds of approximately 150,000 nakfa ($10,000).”
[3b] (section 2d)
30.05 The British Embassy in Asmara in Apr il 2010 obtained the follo wing information from
Eritrean sources:
“Exit visas used to be issued in sticker form but following a 2009 alleged visa scam are
now stamps. They are produced in a standard format, in English only.
“Exit visas are not issued free of charge. The cost is currently around £8 (GBP) for a
single exit visa. If government officials are travelling on official business we assume, but
cannot confirm, that they do not pay fees.
“Exit visas are issued by the Department of Immigration which has regional offices. All
these regional offices have the authority to issue exit visas. Applicants must apply in
person only…in practice, the majority of Eritreans wishing to travel abroad are not
issued with exit visas and therefore cannot leave the country legally. Government
officials and ministers can certainly obtain exit visas provided they have been given
authorisation to travel abroad on official business. People who need medical treatment
abroad can also obtain exit visas. Businessmen will almost always have to satisfy the
age limit. In other words, they would have to be over the age of 57 before they would be
allowed to apply for an exit visa. Women are not given preferential treatment or
dispensation. For example, we know of many Eritrean women who have undergone
military service, or are married and have children, but have still been refused exit visas
for bona fide journeys abroad. Religious ministers or clerics can obtain exit visas if they
need to travel abroad to attend meetings or events in connection with their religious
faith, but they would have to belong to one of the officially recognised religions, such as
the Roman Catholic Church…multi-exit visas are not issued. Exit visas are valid for one
month and for one journey only.” [10a]
30.06 The Human Rights Watch 2009 report Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea, stated:
“Due to the large number of people fleeing or refusing to return after being allowed to
leave, exit visas are routinely denied for young people who are eligible for national
service. Children from the age of 14 are usually denied exit visas but the US State
Department has reported exit visas refused for children as young as five. One older
woman who had managed to travel to visit her children abroad described the signs in
the Foreign Ministry as saying that only men over the age of 54 and women over 47 are
eligible for exit visas, she said, ‘only the old can travel.’” [29c] (p63-64)
30.07 An Awate article of 21 May 2008 suggested that:
“A small privileged group composed of the children and families of high government
officials and ministers as well as of loyal cadres, some in need of specialised medical
diagnosis and treatment, are allowed to travel via Asmara Airport and encouraged to
acquire permanent residence permits in the West, posing as paperless political asylum
seekers. When granted refugee status they travel frequently to Eritrea and remain
ardent supporters of the regime from whom they have sought ‘asylum’. Likewise, many PDF page 108
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of the perpetuators [sic] of human rights violations in Eritrea have their entire families
transferred abroad and travel regularly to visit them.” [27h]
30.08 The British Embassy in Asmara in Apr il 2010 obtained the follo wing information from
Eritrean sources:
“People wishing to travel overseas for medical treatment are required to have a medical
certificate provided by a government medical panel. The medical panel is made up of
doctors who have the authority to carry out a medical examination on the person
concerned. Medical certificates are only issued after a medical examination has been
carried out. Depending on the age of the person concerned and severity of the
condition, the normal requirement for military/national service exemption papers may be
waived. We do not believe that letters from foreign doctors are also required as it is
local medical opinion that carries weight in these matters.” [10a]
See Freedom of Movement
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REQUIREMENT TO PAY INCOME TAX
30.09 The Human Rights Watch 2009 Service for Life report stated:
“There are a variety of ways in which the Eritrean government exerts pressure on exiles
for both financial and political reasons. The government expects all Eritreans in the
diaspora to pay a two percent tax on income. While taxing expatriates may be a
legitimate state function, the manner in which the Eritrean government coerces
individuals into paying this income [tax] presents serious human rights concerns. If
refugees or other Eritrean expatriates do not pay the two percent tax then the
government typically punishes family members in Eritrea by arbitrarily detaining them,
extorting fines, and denying them the right to do business by revoking licenses or
confiscating land.
“The two percent tax is not only a financial mechanism, however. The government also
uses it to consolidate its control over the diaspora population by denying politically
suspect individuals essential documents such as passports and requiring those who live
in Eritrea to provide ‘clearance’ documents of their relatives who live abroad -
essentially coercion to ensure that their relatives have paid the two percent expatriate
income tax demanded by the government…one man living in t he UK, a known critic of
the government, said that his family had been denied land that they had applied for in
Eritrea, because of his refusal to pay the tax…clearance is a process whereby an
embassy charges a fee to certify that Eritreans living abroad have paid their dues and
are up to date with the two percent tax… a woman living in Eritrea described how
several of her neighbors had had their business licenses revoked because their
children, residents in the United States, had not paid the two percent [tax] and they
could not provide clearance certificates.
“Embassies have particular leverage over many Eritrean immigrants and refugees who
do not have travel documents, and those whose passports require renewing. A refugee
living in Rome had his application for a new passport refused…‘if you don’t pay [the tax]
they don’t renew your passport, with no passport, you have no permit to stay in
Italy…so directly or indirectly you are obligated to pay.’ ” [29c] (p75-76) PDF page 109
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See Freedom of Movement
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FAILED ASYLUM SEEKERS AND REFUGEES
30.10 The United Nations High Co mmissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Eligibility Guidelines for
Assessing the International Protection Needs of Asylum-seekers from Eritrea, published
in April 2009, stated:
“Eritreans who are forcibly returned may, according to several reports, face arrest
without charge, detention, ill-treatment, torture or sometimes death at the hands of the
authorities. They are reportedly held incommunicado, in over-crowded and unhygienic
conditions, with little access to medical care, sometimes for extended periods of time.
According to credible sources, 1,200 persons were forcibly returned from Egypt to
Eritrea in June 2008, where the majority was detained in military facilities. UNHCR is
aware of at least two Eritrean asylum-seekers who have arrived in Sudan having
escaped from detention following deportation from Egypt in June 2008. Eritreans
forcibly returned from Malta in 2002 and Libya in 2004 were arrested on arrival in Eritrea
and tortured. The returnees were sent to two prisons on Dahlak Island and on the Red
Sea coast, where most are still believed to be held incommunicado. There are also
unconfirmed reports that some of those returned from Malta were killed. In another
case, a rejected asylum-seeker was detained by the Eritrean authorities upon her
forcible return from the United Kingdom. On 14 May 2008, German immigration
authorities forcibly returned two rejected asylum-seekers to Eritrea. They were
reportedly detained at Asmara airport upon arrival and are being held incommunicado,
and believed to be at risk of torture or other ill-treatment.
“For some Eritreans, being outside the country may be sufficient cause on return to be
subjected to scrutiny, reprisals and harsh treatment. Individuals may be suspected of
having sought asylum, participating in diaspora-based opposition meetings or otherwise
posing a (real or perceived) threat to the Government, particularly where they have
exited the country illegally.” [32a]
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31. E RITREANS ABROAD
31.01 The Human Rights Watch 2009 Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report stated:
“Eritrea is currently among the top refugee-producing nations in the world. Fleeing the
country is truly a last resort because the conditions facing refugees abroad are appalling
and the punishments inflicted on asylum seekers who are forcibly returned are terrible,
including torture and death. The Eritrean government considers leaving the country
without a valid exit visa a crime, and absconding from national service is viewed as
tantamount to treason. PDF page 110
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“Leaving Eritrea is not an easy undertaking. As described above, heavily patrolled
borders, mine-fields, and a shoot-to-kill policy make escape from Eritrea difficult.
Despite this, thousands of people are leaving the country. The majority of refugees end
up in Ethiopia and Sudan in overcrowded refugee camps. An increasing number try to
make it to Europe via Sudan and Libya. They face difficult conditions crossing the
Sahara and risk detention and extortion at the hands of Libyan and Sudanese police.
…the scale of the Eritrean outfl ux is increasing. In 2007 the US Committee for Refugees
and Immigrants estimated around 600 Eritreans were crossing into Ethiopia every
month. In January 2009 the Ethiopian government claimed the number had grown to
900 a month. In 2007 the UN said that at least 10,000 Eritrean refugees arrived in
Sudan and by 2008 this had apparently increased to at least 13,000 known new
arrivals, likely a conservative estimate given that many of them do not apply for refugee
status and remain in Sudan illegally, in transit for Libya. According to UNHCR, in 2008
more than 3,000 Eritreans entered Italy, the main entry point for Eritrean asylum-
seekers to the European Union, an increase of 50 percent over the 2,000 Eritreans who
arrived in 2007.” [29c] (p65-66)
ERITREANS IN EGYPT
31.02 Reuters reported on 29 July 2010 that Egyptian police had “ …shot dead an Eritrean
migrant as he tried to cross the Egyptian -Israeli border”. The migrant reportedly
“…ignored orders to stop and fled towards Is rael along the central Sinai border.” The
report further stated: “Egyptian police have killed at least 21 migrants along its border
with Israel so far this year [2010], up from 19 during all of 2009.” [53b]
31.03 An Agence France-Presse report, publis hed in the Asmarino website on 14 August
2010, stated that:
“Smugglers and [the Egyptian] police have shot dead six Eritreans near the Israeli
border, in the latest case of illegal crossings that have become perilous, an Egyptian
security official said on Saturday [14 August 2010].
“The deadly clashes took place late on Friday [13 August 2010] after the African
migrants seized the weapons of the people traffickers in a bid to escape, the official told
AFP on condition of anonymity.
“He said four Eritreans - three men and a woman - were killed in an exchange of fire
between the migrants and smugglers, and police shot dead two Eritreans from the same
group as they tried to cross illegally into Israel.
“The police detained 22 migrants, five of whom were wounded in the violence, and were
still searching for the smugglers as well as for other members of the group estimated to
number 60, the security official said.
“After a failed attempt to smuggle the migrants into Israel, the traffickers had demanded
money for their release, migrants told the police.
“The deaths bring to 28 the number of African migrants killed so far this year in attempts
to cross to Israel in search of a better life and job prospects, 24 of them by Egypt's
police, according to the security services. PDF page 111
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111
“The figure compares with 19 migrants killed last year in Egypt, a country with a 1979
peace treaty with Israel which has called for stricter border controls. Most of the
migrants hail from Eritrea, Sudan and Ethiopia.” [68e]
31.04 Voice of America News r eported on 7 December 2010 that:
“The U.N. refugee agency is urging Egypt to intervene to secure the release of about
250 Eritreans who have been held hostage for about a month by human traffickers in
the Sinai.
“The United Nations refugee agency says it does not have much information about the
group of Eritreans nor the hostage takers. It says media reports note the traffickers are
demanding payments of $8,000 per person for their release.
“UNHCR spokesman Adrian Edwards says the people reportedly are being held in
containers and are subject to abuses. He says some may have been held for
months…media reports paint an appalling picture of the extremely degrading and
inhumane manner in which the hostages are held. They say the hostages are bound by
chains around their ankles, deprived of adequate food, tortured and branded like cattle.
“The reports say the traffickers use these extreme measures to extort ransom money
from the hostages' families. They say several hostages have been killed when
payments were not made.
“Because of a number of ongoing human-rights crises, the Horn of Africa in general and
the Sinai in particular have become a major center for people trafficking by highly
organized crime syndicates.” [43]
31.05 A United Nations Integrated Regional Info rmation Network (IRIN) report, dated 6
January 2011, about the Sinai hostage incident stated:
“Egyptian activists are calling on the government to take action to save African asylum-
seekers from what they call the ‘systematic torture’ they are being subjected to by their
Bedouin captors in the Sinai peninsula who demand thousands of dollars in ransom
…according to some estimates, hundreds of Af rican asylum-seekers cross into Israel
every month from Egypt, getting help from what some rights advocates describe as
‘international human trafficking rings’ which start in the Horn of Africa and end at the
Egypt-Israel border.
“Rights groups say around 200 of these asylum-seekers - mostly from Eritrea - are held
in the Sinai desert and face torture and rape, with their captors demanding money
before they are allowed into Israel.” [17g]
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ERITREANS IN ETHIOPIA
31.06 The Suwera Centre for Human Rights 2009 report, The State of Hu man Rights in
Eritrea 2008 stated: PDF page 112
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“The flow of Eritrean refugees to Ethiopia started at the end of the war between Eritrea
and Ethiopia in 2000. The refugees were settled in the Shimelba camp in the Tigrai
region since 2004 when they were transferred from Wa’ala Nehbi camp due to its
proximity to the Eritrean border. The Shimelba camp is located 33kms south of Sheraro
town. Another camp has also been opened in Mai Ayni away from the Eritrean border
as the first one was full to capacity.” [5] (p27)
31.07 A new refugee camp was opened in Ethiopia in 2010, as noted in a Sudan Tribune
newspaper report dated 17 April 2010:
“Ethiopian authorities said this week [12-17 April 2010] [that] they [had] opened a new
[refugee] camp in the northern part of the country to meet the growing number of
Eritrean refugees who arrive each month.
“The new center located in Adi Harush in Tigray is the fourth to be established in the
region since 2004.
“The first batch of 356 people arrived on Thursday [15 April 2010] at the camp[.] 80 per
cent of this group is composed mainly of young people between 21 and 34, said a
statement released by the [Ethiopian] Administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs
(ARRA).
“According to the ARRA, up to 2,000 mostly young men and women are now crossing
the [Ethiopian/Eritrean] border each month to ‘avoid excessive repression, gross human
rights violations and forced conscription into the army.’ ” [57c]
31.08 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Ethiopia , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“As in the previous year [2008], an average of 800 to 1,000 new Eritrean refugees
arrived monthly, while approximately 400 to 600 Eritrean refugees departed monthly on
secondary migration through Egypt and Sudan to go to Europe and other final
destinations. The UNHCR assisted in the reception and transportation back to My Ayni
of more than 150 Eritrean refugees who had been detained in Egypt and deported by
the Egyptian authorities.
“The government required all refugees to remain in designated camps, most of which
were located near the borders with Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan, unless granted
permission to live elsewhere in the country. Such permission was given primarily to
attend higher education institutions, undergo medical treatment, or avoid security
threats at the camps. During the year [2009] the government expanded its policy of
providing greater freedom of movement to some Eritrean refugees with family members
living outside of the camps.” [3f] (section 2d)
31.09 A United Nations IRIN report dated 30 August 2010 st ated that a new Ethiopian
government ruling allowed Eritrean refugees to live outside designated refugee camps:
“The new policy will allow Eritrean refugees to live in urban areas, improving their
access to services and helping to build stronger ties with Ethiopians, the legal and
protection officer at the agency for the Administration of Refugees and Returnees’
Affairs, Estifanos Gebremedhin, told IRIN. PDF page 113
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“Under the ‘out-of-camp’ scheme, Eritrean refugees can live in any part of the country,
provided they are able to sustain themselves financially or have a relative or friend who
commits to supporting them…t he UNHCR representative to Ethiopia, Moses Okello,
said: ‘Refugees are not subversive people. The issue related to security is one for
government to deal with.
“ ‘We look at refugees as persons who need international protection. There is no reason
why Eritrean, Sudanese, or Somali refugees should be seen in any other light other
than that they are refugees. Branding them in one way or another is not fair. We have
lived with them, we know them; they are refugees and nothing else.’
“Eritrean refugees in Ethiopian camps without a criminal record are eligible under the
policy, which according to UNHCR, ‘is also a response to refugees' wishes and needs
for strengthened…relations bet ween the two countries’.” [17e]
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ERITREANS IN SUDAN
31.10 The Human Rights Watch 2009 Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite
Conscription in Eritrea report stated:
“Over the past five years the increasingly cordial relations between the Sudanese and
Eritrean governments have resulted in increasing pressure from Sudanese authorities
on Eritrean refugees to return to Eritrea, contrary to the longstanding Sudanese
reception of Eritrean refugees over the previous decades…currently most refugees who
flee Eritrea to Sudan either settle in refugee camps in eastern Sudan or transit onward
within the country or to other countries in search of a safer and more stable existence.
Those not in camps in Sudan are extremely vulnerable to abuse, in particular extortion
and forcible return by the Sudanese authorities - Sudanese security services have links
to Eritrean security agents…in Sudan, there are nearly 100,000 Eritreans living in open
camps at Kassala, al-Gedaref, Gezira, and Sinar. About 30,000 are said to live in towns
in these areas and at least another 30,000 or more are estimated to be living in
Khartoum. At least 10,000 new arrivals arrived during 2007. According to a Sudanese
official, 13,000 Eritreans arrived in Sudan in 2008. The government says it cannot cope
and has asked the UN for help.” [29c] (p67)
31.11 A United Nations IRIN report, dated 3 December 2009, stated:
“Eastern Sudan hosts more than 66,000 registered Eritrean refugees, the first of whom
arrived in 1968 during the early years of Eritrea’s war of independence against Ethiopia.
These days, Eritrea’s policy of indefinite military conscription, coupled with drought and
poor economic opportunities, prompt some 1,800 people to cross into Sudan every
month, according to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR…as they planned for their big
escape to Europe or Israel, asylum-seekers dreamed of a better life in Sudan. But
instead, thousands woke up to the realities of the grim camp conditions, lacking food
security or proper healthcare, and sharing scarce resources with Sudanese nationals.
On arrival at the reception centre at Shagarab camp in Kassala state, near the Eritrean
border, they are not immediately provided with proper shelter. Only when their refugee
status is confirmed, which can take four to six weeks, are they able to move into tents or
huts, which they often have to build themselves…Shagarab, with the worst conditions PDF page 114
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among the three biggest camps in eastern Sudan, houses more than 21,000 mostly
Eritrean refugees, in addition to some Ethiopians and Somalis. The 1,800 monthly
arrivals also include young men who flee forced conscription in the Eritrean army…the
UN World Food Programme supplies the camps with food aid but refugees say it is not
enough. Education opportunities for children are also inadequate. Out of 15,000
children in the 12 camps in the east, 6,000 do not get the chance for a primary
education because schools lack the capacity to absorb them, UNHCR Africa Director
George Okoth-Obbo said later in Khartoum…some of the refugees move to other cities
in Sudan looking for employment. The government says there are about 40,000
refugees living in urban centres, sharing services and job opportunities with Sudanese
nationals. Although UNHCR says the government has not rejected any Eritrean asylum-
seekers, it does try to reduce the pull of the refugee camps to potential ones.
“Refugees are allowed to work in Sudan, but government policy is to keep them inside
the camps, said Abdallah Soliman Mohamed, deputy commissioner of refugees. With
no access to better education for refugee children, and after international donors have
supported the camps for more than 40 years, UNHCR says it is looking into other ways
for the refugees to become self-reliant.” [17a]
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32. F OREIGN REFUGEES
32.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“The government cooperated with the Office of the UN High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR) in assisting refugees who were not from Ethiopia. The government
also cooperated with the UNHCR to provide protection and assistance to approximately
4,300 Somali and 100 Sudanese refugees. The government's Office of Refugee Affairs
managed the refugee camps, providing hospitals, schools, and other resources. The
government did not recognize Ethiopians as refugees and did not cooperate with the
UNHCR on this issue…the country was not a party to the 1951 Convention relating to
the Status of Refugees and its 1967 Protocol and was not a party to the 1969 African
Union Convention Governing the Specific Aspects of the Refugee Problem in Africa. As
a result the government cannot provide legal refugee or asylum status; however, in
practice the government provided protection against the expulsion or return of refugees
to countries where their lives or freedom would be threatened on account of their race,
religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion. The
government provided temporary protection to approximately 135 persons from Sudan
and 4,300 persons from Somalia on a prima facie basis. Reports indicated that the
government provided resources to Ethiopian refugees only if the refugees joined
Ethiopian opposition groups. Ethiopian refugees who did not join opposition groups
reportedly were harassed by government officials.” [3b] (section 2d)
32.02 The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 2011 Regional
Operations Profile - East and Horn of Africa report stated:
“In Eritrea [bold in text of source], there are some 4,600 refugees from Somalia and
Sudan. The Government of Eritrea does not accept asylum claims from Ethiopian
asylum-seekers. UNHCR has recognized some 70 Ethiopians as mandate refugees. PDF page 115
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“UNHCR continues to advocate for local integration, especially for refugees married to
Eritrean nationals, but the Government has been reluctant to consider this durable
solution for Somali and Sudanese refugees. The deterioration of the situation inside
Somalia does not present favourable prospects for return to that country.” [32b]
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33. EMPLOYMENT RIGHTS
33.01 The United Stat es State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea , published
on 11 March 2010, stated:
“The law provides workers with the legal right to form and join unions to protect their
interests; however, some government policies restricted free association or prevented
the formation of some unions, including within the civil service, military, police, and other
organizations providing essential services. The government ran all unions, including the
Teacher's Union, Women's Union, Youth's Union, and Worker's Union. Membership in
these unions was required. The government did not encourage the formation of
independent unions by employees of private businesses. Union leaders were typically
government employees, and union activities were generally government sanctioned.
The Ministry of Labor and Human Welfare must grant special approval for groups of 20
or more persons seeking to form a union. There were no reports that the government
opposed the formation of labor associations during the year [2009]; however, the
government did not approve the formation of any unions.
“The law allows strikes; however, all unions were closely aligned with the government
and thus did not exercise or promote the right to strike.
“The law allows unions to conduct their activities without interference, and collective
bargaining is allowed. In practice all unions are subservient to the government, which
sets wages for union workers, employees of PFDJ-owned enterprises, and government
employees. Wages are set independently in the small private sector, although workers
are not allowed to organize independently.
“Since most businesses were government-owned, unions did not experience antiunion
discrimination.” [3b] (section 7)
Forced or compulsory labour
33.02 The United States State Department 2009 Human Rights Report on Eritrea stated:
“The law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, including by children; however, forced
labor occurred, particularly in [the] national service program.
“The government required all men between the ages of 18 and 54 and women between
the ages of 18 and 47 to participate in the national service program, which included
military training and civilian work programs. However, the criteria for demobilization
were unclear, and many were required to work indefinitely in any location or capacity
chosen by the government. Reports indicated citizens were enlisted in the national
service for many years below minimum-wage rates with no prospective end date, no
promotion or salary increases, and restricted freedom of movement since those PDF page 116
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employed under national service were often denied passports and exit visas. The
government justified its open-ended draft on the basis of the undemarcated border
[dispute] with Ethiopia. Some national service members were assigned to return to their
civilian jobs while nominally kept in the military because their skills were deemed critical
to the functioning of the government or economy. These individuals continued to receive
only their national service salary; the government required them to forfeit to the
government any money they earned above and beyond that salary. Government
employees generally were unable to leave their jobs or take new employment. Draft
evaders often were used as laborers on government development projects.”
[3b] (section 7)
33.03 Certain aspects of national service invo lve compulsory labour, as noted in the Human
Rights Watch report Service for Life - State Repression and Indefinite Conscription in
Eritrea, published on 16 April 2009:
“In 2002, with the announcement of the Warsai Yekalo Development Campaign
(WDYC), a national social and economic development effort, the statutory national
service of 18 months was indefinitely extended so that all male and female adults must
be available to work at the direction of the state in various capacities until the age of 40
- now often 50 or 55 in practice. Indefinite national service starts with six months of
military training followed by 12 months’ deployment either in military service or working
for some other government ministry at the direction of the Ministry of Defense. Some
are also drafted to work for the companies owned and operated by the military or ruling
party elites that dominate the economy.” [29c] (p3)
33.04 Regarding the dist inction between national service and military service, the Human
Rights Watch Service for Life report further stated that:
“Refugees interviewed by Human Rights Watch emphasized that there was no
difference between military and civilian national service - conscripts are equally at the
mercy of the state. One Eritrean academic notes that, ‘What people do not realise is
that in Eritrea, there is no military service. There is only Hagerawi Agelglot (National
Service) which is much more ambitious and broader than common Military Service.’
Military duties are only one of a number of different assignments that conscripts can be
tasked with, although it is the most common.” [29c] (p44)
33.05 Freedom House’s Freedom in the World 2010 report on Eritrea, published in May 2010,
added that:
“Government policy is officially supportive of free enterprise, and citizens have the
nominal freedom to choose their employment, establish private businesses, and operate
them without government harassment. However, few private businesses remain in
Eritrea. This is largely because of the conscription system, which ties most able-bodied
men and women to an indefinite period of national service and can entail compulsory
labor for enterprises controlled by the political elite. The 2009 Heritage Foundation
Index of Economic Freedom cites other barriers to starting and operating a business in
Eritrea, including burdensome regulations and the high cost of credit. It ranks Eritrea as
the second-worst country in sub-Saharan Africa for economic freedom.” [9a]
See also National service; Trafficking and Economy
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Annex A
CHRONOLOGY OF MAJOR EVENTS
Information is taken from Europa World [24] (accessed on 4 February 2011) unless stated
otherwise.
1952 Federation formed between Eritrea and Ethiopia. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1958 Eritrean Liberation Movement (ELM) founded. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1961 Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) begins armed campaign for Eritrean
independence from Ethiopia. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1962 Eritrea’s status reduced to t hat of an Ethiopian province. [24] (Eritrea - Historical
Context)
1970 The Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) forms. [11] (About.com - accessed
on 1 February 2011)
1972-74 Civil war in Eritrea between ELF and breakaway Popular Liberation Forces
(which went on to form the Eritrean Peop le’s Liberation Front [EPLF] in 1977).
[24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1974 Revolution brings hard-line Ma rxist ‘Derg’ regime to power. [24] (Eritrea - Historical
Context)
1977 First conference of the EPLF held. [58] (EHREA website - accessed on 1
February 2011).
1977-78 Further splits within ELF. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1990
February: The EPLF captures the po rt of Massawa from the Ethiopians. [12b]
(www.eritrea.be - accessed on 15 September 2010)
1991
May EPLF captures Asmara; at the same time Eritrean Peop le’s Revolutionary
Defence Force (EPRDF) captures Addi s Ababa and overthrows Derg; EPRDF
recognises EPLF as government of Eritrea and agr ees independence
referendum for Eritrea in 1993. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
1993
April UN-supervised referendum overwhelmingly approves independence from
Ethiopia. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
May On 24 May, Eritrean in dependence is proclaimed. On 28 May, Eritrean
independence is internationally recognised. The EPLF establishes a transitional
government. The leader of the EPLF, Isaias Afewerki becomes the first
president of Eritrea. [24] (Eritrea - Historical Context)
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June On 8 June, Isaias Afewerki becomes President of Eritrea. [48] (Economic Expert
- Politics of Eritrea - accessed on 15 September 2010)
1994
February EPLF becomes the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and
espouses its support for a pluralistic political system. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
1995
May The National Assembly approves proposal s to create six administrative regions
to replace the 10 regional di visions that had been in place since colonial rule.
[24] ] (Domestic Political Affairs)
November The National Assembly approved new names for the regions and finalised details
of their exact boundaries and sub-divisions. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
1997
May On 23 May, a new constitution is adopted by the Constituent Assembly but is not
fully implemented. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
1998
May Border conflict with Ethiopia erupts in to heavy fighting; thousands of Eritreans
expelled from Ethiopia and many Ethiopian s leave Eritrea. This conflict lasts
until 2000. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
1999 The bor der conflict between Eritrea and Ethi opia continues. Numerous clashes
occur during 1999 between Erit rean and Ethiopian troops. [24] (Conflict with
Ethiopia)
2000
April Peace talks organised by the Organisation for African Unity in Algiers to end the
border conflict fail. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
May Hostilities between Ethiopia and Eritrea resume. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
June The Eritrean and Ethiopian governments sign ceasefire agreement and agree to
UN monitoring force along border. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
December The Eritrean and Ethiopian governments sign a peace agreement in Algeria
establishing commissions to mark border, exchange prisoners, return displaced
people and hear compensation claims. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
2001
February Eritrea accepts United Nations plans for a temporary demilitarised zone along its
border with neighbouring Ethiopia. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
Ethiopia says it has completed its troop withdrawal from Eritrea in accordance
with a United Nations-sponsored agr eement to end the border war. [24] (Conflict
with Ethiopia)
April The Eritrean government announces that its forces have pulled out of the border
zone with Ethiopia - a key provision of the peace agreement signed between
the two countries. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
May A dissident group at t he centre of the PFDJ publicly expresses strong criticisms
of the President. This group is known as the ‘Group of 15’ or ‘G-15’. (In later
sources as ‘G11’, thus referred to as ‘G15/G11’). [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
September The Government closes all privately owned newspapers. Following this the PDF page 119
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police arrest ten leading journalists. [6c] (p6) (Amnesty International - You have
no right to ask, 19 May 2004).
Security authorities detain 11 members of the G11/G15 group. Four members
escape arrest. [24] (Domestic Political Affairs)
2002
March On 31 March, the ten journalists arrest ed in September 2001 begin a hunger
strike. Nine of the ten were moved from the 1st Police Station in Asmara to an
unknown location. [6c] (p7) (Amnesty International - You have no right to ask , 19
May 2004)
April On 13 April, the International Tribunal announces a decision on the border issue
between Eritrea an d Ethiopia. Both Eritrea and Ethiopia declare victory.
Confusion over which country controls Badme remains. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
May Roma Gebremichael , the wife of one of the G-15 detainees, is arrested. [6c] (p7)
(Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, 19 May 2004)
October Malta deports over 200 asylum seekers ba ck to Eritrea. They are detained on
arrival and held incommunicado without charge or further explanation. [6c] (p5)
(Amnesty International - You have no right to ask, 19 May 2004)
2003
March The Boundary Commission cat egorically rules Badme to be in Eritrean territory.
Ethiopia voices its opposition to the ruling. [24] (Conflict with Ethiopia)
2004
July UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan visited the Horn of Africa in a new initiative to
kick-start the stalled Ethi opian-Eritrean peace process. [17b] (United Nations
IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: Chronology of Key Events in 2004, 5 January 2005)
September The United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritr ea (UNMEE) expresses
disappointment after the Eritrean Gove rnment re-imposed restrictions of
movement along a crucial supply route for its peacekeepers. [17b] (United
Nations IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: Chronology of Key Events in 2004 , 5 January
2005)
November Prime Minister Zenawi announces a five-point plan to try to end the border
stalemate with Eritrea, saying his country would accept, “in principle”, the April
2002 ruling of the independent Boundary Co mmission that was intended to end
hostilities between the two neighbours. He , however, insists that the ruling is
still illegal and unjust. Any attempt to im plement the Hague-based decision, he
adds, “might lead to a serious escalation of the tension between the two
countries and thereby undermine the peace”. [17b] (United Nations IRIN -
Ethiopia-Eritrea: Chronology of Key Events in 2004, 5 January 2005)
2005
February The United Nati ons noted a large number of troops being deployed at
the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea. The troops remained on their own soil,
but Ethiopian soldiers had co me within a 20 - 40 kilome tre range of the frontier .
[25d] (BBC News - Concern at Horn troop deployment, 17 February 2005)
August A UN spec ial envoy for the humanitarian crisis in the Horn of Africa, conducted
an eight-day visit to the region to assess prospects for long-term food security.
The government asks the US Agency for International Development (USAID) to
cease its operations in the Horn of Africa country. [17c] (United Nations IRIN - PDF page 120
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Ethiopia-Eritrea: Year in Brief, July-Dec 2005 - A Chronology of Key Events , 11
January 2006)
October The Eritrean government imposes more restrictions on the movement of UN
peacekeepers, days after grounding UN helicopter flights. [17c] (United Nations
IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: A Chronology of Key Events in 2005, 11 January 2006)
December The Eritrean government rejects a claim by Amnesty International that it engages
in religious persecution. The UN relo cates some UNMEE staff to Ethiopia
following Eritrea’s decision to expel Eu ropean and North American personnel.
[17c] (United Nations IRIN - Ethiopia-Eritrea: A Chronology of Key Events in
2005, 11 January 2006)
2006
January Christian Today NGO reports that the patriarch of the Eritrean Orthodox Church
has been placed under arrest. [49] (Christian Today - Eritrean Patriarch Under
House Arrest as Government Repression Increases, 23 January 2006)
June The Eritrean government places travel restri ctions on foreign nationals and dual
nationality holders that apply to travel into the country and travel within the
country. [3e] (US State Dept Document Reciprocity Schedule, Eritrea - accessed
on 22 October 2010)
October On 16 October, the Eritr ean army moves 1,500 troops and 14 tanks into the
demilitarised zone of the Ethiopian/Eritrean border. The United Nations state
that this is a “major breach of the ceasefire” agreement. [25e] (BBC News -
Eritrea incursion ‘to pick crops’, 17 October 2006)
November On 3 Novemb er, Helen Berhane, a Rhema ch urch member who had been
detained without trial, and was reportedly tortured, was confirmed as having
been released from detention. [6d] (Amnesty International - Eritrea: gospel
singer Helen Berhane released, 3 November 2006)
December Military se rvice round-up (Giffa) begins in Asmara; 500 parents and relatives of
young people missing from official regist ers targeted for arrest, detention and
fines. [6e] (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Over 500 parents of conscripts
arrested, 21 December 2006)
2007
June Police raids in Asmara, Pente Christians are detained. [50] (Christian Solidarity
Worldwide - Demonstrators call for release of Eritrean Prisoners of Conscience,
29 May 2009)
November Eritrea acc epts border line demar cated by internati onal boundary commission.
Ethiopia rejects it. [25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 30 November 2010)
2008
January UN extends mandate of peacekeepers on Ethiopia-Eritrea border for six months.
UN Security Council demands Eritrea li ft fuel restrictions imposed on UN
peacekeepers at the Eritrea-Ethiopia border area. Eritrea declines, saying
troops must leave border. [25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 30 November 2010)
April UN Secretary-General Ban Ki Moon warns of like lihood of new war between
Ethiopia and Eritrea if peacekeeping mission withdraws completely. Outlines
options for the future of the UN mission in the two countries.
Djibouti accuses Eritrean tr oops of digging trenches at disputed Ras Doumeira
border area and infiltrating Djiboutian territory. Eritrea denies charge.
[25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 30 November 2010)
May Th e Eritrean government calls on the UN to terminate its peacekeeping mission.
[25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 30 November 2010) PDF page 121
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June Fighting breaks out bet ween Eritrean and Djiboutian troops in the disputed Ras
Doumeira border area. [25a] (BBC Timeline: Eritrea, 30 November 2010)
September It was reported by Awate that an Er itrean government intelligence camp in
Molokhseito was attacked by armed units of the Eritrean Na tional Salvation
Front (ENSF). [27b] (Awate - Eritrean Government Unit Attacked , 26 September
2008)
November The Eritrean government l aunched a fresh crackdown on practicing Christians.
At least 110 evangelical believers were detained. The Christians were arrested
in all parts of the country apart fr om Asmara. Those detained included 65
members of the evangelic al Kale Hiwot Church. [51] (Walta - Eritrea launches
new crackdown on Christians, 27 November 2008)
2009
January The UN Security Council gave Eritrea an ultimatum to withdraw its forces from a
disputed border region with Djibouti within five weeks. The UN resolution also
called for Eritrea to remove its military hardware from the Ras Doumeira region
and the island of Doumeira. [25h] (BBC News - UN in Eritrea Pull-out , 14
January 2009)
February The Austra lian Broadcasting Corporation reporte d that a bomb explosion killed
two people and wounded eight others at a re staurant in wester n Eritrea. The
ABC report further stated that “Eritrea blamed Ethiopia for an earlier bomb
attack in January 2008 that killed one person and wounded several others in
another market town near the western border”. [53a] (Reuters - Eritrea govt says
bomb kills two,wounds eight, 28 February 2009)
April UN Secretary Council says Eritrea failed to fulfil its obligation to withdraw troops
from disputed border area of Djibouti under an ultima tum issued in January
[2009]. Eritrea denies having troops on Djiboutian soil. [25a] (BBC Timeline:
Eritrea, 30 November 2010)
June The United Nations reported that Eritrea was facing a food crisis caused by poor
harvests, a lack of rain, and the high cost of food. [17d] (United Nations IRIN -
How bad is the food crisis really? - analysis, 12 June 2009)
August International tribunal ruling stipulates that Eritrea and Ethiopia have to pay one
another financial compensation for wa r damages incurred in the 1998-2000
border war. [25f] (BBC News - Eritrea to pay Ethiopia millions, 18 August 2009)
An assassinati on attempt on President Afewerki by members of the Eritrean
Defence Forces reportedly fails. The pr esident is reportedly unharmed in the
incident. [31b] (Assenna - Eritrean president Isai as Afewerki escaped
assassination attempt by members of the Eritrean Defence Forces , 14 August
2009
December The United Nations Security Council voted to impose sanc tions on the Eritrean
regime. The sanctions place an arms embargo on Eritrea, an asset freeze on
specific businesses and individuals, as well as a travel ban on political and
military leaders to be identified by a sanctions committee. [14] (The Times (UK
newspaper) - UN imposes sanctions on Eritrea over support for rebels in
Somalia, 23 December 2009)
2010
February The Red Sea Afars Democratic Organisation (RSADO) stated that it had it killed
17 Eritrean government soldiers and injured more than 20 others in an attack on
military barracks. The attack was carried out in Fura in central Dankalia on 15 PDF page 122
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February according to a RSADO spokesman. [74] (Ethiopian Journal [Reuters] -
Eritrea rebels say [they] killed 17 government troops, 18 February 2010)
March On 27 March, Egyptian pol ice reportedly shot dead Erit reans trying to cross the
Egyptian/Israeli border illegally. [28] (France24 News - Egypt police kill two
Eritrean migrants at Israel border, 27 March 2010)
August An Ethiopian government ru ling allows Eritrean refugees the freedom to live
outside refugee camps, provid ed they can support themselves, or receive
support from friends or relatives. [17e] (United Nations IRIN - Eritrea-Ethiopia:
Refugees embrace life ‘out of camps’, 30 August 2010)
September On 29 Septem ber, the Ethiopian government accu sed Eritrea of continuing to
undermine efforts to restore peace and stability in Somalia by arming insurgents
battling the transitional Government in Mogadishu and urged the United Nations
Security Council to strictly enforce existing sanctions against Eritrea. [54a]
(United Nations News Service - At General Assembly, Et hiopia accuses Eritrea
of spoiling peace efforts in Somalia, 29 September 2010)
December The international press fre edom NGO, the Committee to Protect Journalists,
reported that Eritrea imprisons the most journalists in Africa and the third most
in the world. [57a] (Sudan Tribune - Eritrea remains Africa ’s largest jailor of
journalists - CPJ, 10 December 2010)
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Annex B
POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS
Eritrean Democratic Alliance (EDA)
Formerly Alliance of Eritrean National Forces and founded in 1999. Became the Eritrean
National Alliance in 2002. Adopted present name in 2004. Broad alliance of 13 opposition
parties opposed to the PFDJ regime. Chairman: Berhane Yemane “Hanjema”. Secretary
General: Husayn Khalifa.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Islamic Party for Justice and Development (EIPJD)
Founded in 1988 as the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement. Changed name to al-Khalas in 1998;
political wing of EIJ. Leader: Khalil Muhammad Amer.
[24] (Political Organisations) Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Islamic Salvation Movement (EISM)
Known until 1998 as the Eritrean Islamic Jihad. The EISM is led by Sheikh Khalil Mohammed
Amer. It is a member of the EDA.
[7b] (Jane’s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF)
The original was the first rebel organisation to fight for Eritrean independence. Member of the
EDA opposition alliance. Leader: Abdallah Idris.
[7b] (Jane’s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front -Central Command (ELF-CC)
Founded in 1982. Chairman: Abdella Idriss.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front-National Council (ELF-NC)
ELF splinter group. Member of the EDA. Leader: El Amin El Assad.
[7b] (Jane’s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Liberation Front-Revolutionary Council (ELF-RC)
Chairman: Ahmed Woldeyesus Ammar.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean National Commission for Democratic Change (ENCDC)
New organisation set up during a political opposition conference held from 31 July to 9 August
2010 in Addis Ababa. One of the aims of the new Commission is to bring the various elements
of the Eritrean political opposition together to form a more united opposition against the Eritrean
regime. [68d] (Asmarino - Message from the National Commission for Democratic Change
(ENCDC), 28 October 2010
Eritrean People’s Democratic Liberation Front (EPDLF)
The EPDLF is better known as Sagem (Return). Close to the ERDF. It is a member of the EDA
and close to Ethiopian leadership circles. It has limited support, particularly from Christian
Tigrayans. Leader: Tewolde Gebreselassie.
[7b] (Jane’s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011) PDF page 124
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Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP)
Relatively new party. On 25 May 2009, the Eritrean Democratic Resistance Movement united
with the Eritrean People’s Party (EPP), with the latter retaining the name of the united
organisations. On 1 January 2010, the EPP merged with two other parties, the Eritrean
Democratic Party (EDP) and the Eritrean People’s Movement (EPM) to found a new party - the
Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP). This was achieved in a conference in December
2009.
[27p] (Awate - The Next EDA-EPDP Confrontation - 17 January 2011)
Eritrean People’s Liberation Front - Democratic Party (EPLF-DP)
The EPLF-DP announced its establishment in January 2002. Leadership is based abroad but
claims that its main support base is in Eritrea. Leader: Mesfin Hagos.
[7b] (Jane’s - Eritrea Internal Affairs - accessed on 1 March 2011)
Eritrean Popular Movement (EPM)
Founded in 2004. Leader: Abdallah Adem.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Eritrean Revolutionary Democratic Front (ERDF)
Founded in 1997 following a merger of the Democratic Movement for the Liberation of Eritrea
and a faction of the People’s Democratic Front for the Liberation of Eritrea. Leader: Berhane
Yemane “Hanjema”.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Gash Setit Organization
Leader: Ismail Nada.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ)
Founded in 1970 as the Eritrean Popular Liberation Forces (EPLF); following a split in the
Eritrean Liberation Front, renamed the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front in 1977; adopted
present name in February 1994. Christian and Muslim support; in May 1991 took control of
Eritrea and formed provisional Government; formed transitional Government in May 1993;
Chairman: Isaias Afewerki. Secretary General: Alamin Mohamed Said.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
Red Sea Afar Democratic Organisation
Afar opposition group. Secretary General: Amin Ahmmad.
[24] (Political Organisations) (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
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Annex C
PROMINENT PEOPLE
The sources used in the following list are [24] (Europa World - accessed on 4 February 2011)
and [68f] (Asmarino - Isaias - Reshuffles Some of His Ministers, 24 April 2009)
President of Eritrea Isaias Afewerki [24] (The Government)
Minister of Defence General Sebhat Ephrem [24] (The Government)
Minister of Justice Fawzia Hashim [24] (The Government)
Minister of Foreign Affairs Osman Salih Muhammad [24] (The Government)
Minister of Information Ali Abdu [24] (The Government)
Minister of Finance Berhane Abrehe [24] (The Government)
Minister of Trade and Industry Dr Giorgis Teklemikael [24] (The Government)
Minister of Agriculture Arefaine Berhe [24] (The Government)
Minister of Labour and Human Welfare Wizero Salema Hassen [68f]
Minister of Fisheries Dr Salih Mekki [68f]
Minister of Regional Administration Ato Woldmichael Gebremariam [68f]
Minister of Construction Abraha Asfaha [24] (The Government)
Minister of Education Semere Rusom [24] (The Government)
Minister of Health Amna Nur Hussein [68f]
Minister of Mining Ato Ahmad Haji [68f]
Minister of Transport and Communications Woldemikael Abraha [24] (The Government)
Minister of Tourism Askalu Menkerios [68f]
Minister of Land, Water and the
Environment
Tesfai Gebreselassie [68f]
Minister of Local Government Naizghi Kiflu [24] (The Government)
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NAMES OF POLITICAL PRISONERS ARRESTED IN SEPTEMBER 2001 (PART OF
THE GROUP OF PEOPLE KNOWN AS THE “G15”)
Ogbe Abraha
Army General; formerly Chief of Staff of the Defence Force, Minister of Trade and Industry, and
Minister of Labour and Social Welfare. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary
detention of government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4
August 2009 that Abraha is now dead. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government
senior officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Aster Fissehatsion
Director in the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs; executive member of the official National
Union of Eritrean Women; EPLF official since 1977; former wife of Mahmoud Ahmed Sheriffo,
also detained in September 2001. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of
government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009
that Fissehatsion died on 14 April 2003. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government
senior officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Bedrhane Gebregziabeher
Army Major-General; head of the National Reserve Force; EPLF political bureau member since
1977. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of government critics and
journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009 that Gebregziabeher died
on 20 June 2002. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government senior officials of
Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Beraki Gebreselassie
Former Ambassador to Germany (to May 2001); previously Minister of Education and Minister
of Information and Culture. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of
government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009
that Gebrebreselassie died on 19 July 2007. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former
government senior officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009
Hamad Hamid Hamad
Head of the Arabic (Middle East) Department in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, former
Ambassador to Sudan. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of
government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009
that Hamad died on 7 November 2005. [31c] Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government
senior officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Saleh Kekiya
Former Minister of Transport and Communication, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs and Head of
the Office of the President. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of
government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009
that Kekiya died on 15 August 2003. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government
senior officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Germano Nati
Regional Adminstrator. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of
government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009 PDF page 127
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that Nati died on 17 March 2008. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government senior
officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Estifanos Seyoum
Army Brigadier General; former Head of the Inland Revenue Service (to August 2001). [6h] (p6).
(Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of government critics and journalists, 18
September 2002). Assenna reported on 4 August 2009 that Seyoum died on 28 September
2007. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11 former government senior officials of Eritrea
confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Mahmoud Ahmed Sheriffo
Former Vice-President (dismissed in February 2001), Minister of Local Government, and
Minister of Foreign Affairs; EPLF co-founder. [6h] (p6). (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary
detention of government critics and journalists, 18 September 2002). Assenna reported on 4
August 2009 that Sheriffo died on 21 December 2003. [31c] (Assenna - All but two of the 11
former government senior officials of Eritrea confirmed dead, 4 August 2009)
Petros Solomon
Former Minister of Maritime Resources; previously Minister of Foreign Affairs, EPLF military
commander and intelligence chief; EPLF political bureau member since 1977. [6h] (p6) (Amnesty
International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of government critics and journalists, 18 September
2002)
Haille Woldetensae (or Weldensae, also known as “Durue”)
Former Minister of Trade and Industry (until 2001); previously Minister of Foreign Affairs, and
also Minister of Finance; former EPLF head of political affairs, and political bureau member
since 1977. [6h] (p6) (Amnesty International - Eritrea: Arbitrary detention of government critics
and journalists, 18 September 2002)
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Annex D
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AI Amnesty International
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
CEDAW Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women
CPJ Committee to Protect Journalists
EIU Economist Intelligence Unit
FCO Foreign and Commonwealth Office (UK)
FGM Female Genital Mutilation
FH Freedom House
GDP Gross Domestic Product
HIV/AIDS Human Immunodeficiency Virus/Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome
HRW Human Rights Watch
ICG International Crisis Group
ICRC International Committee for Red Cross
IDP Internally Displaced Person
NGO Non Governmental Organisation
RSF Reporters sans Frontières
UNAIDS Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
USAID United States Agency for International Development
USSD United States State Department
WHO World Health Organization
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129
Annex E
References to source material
The Home Office is not responsible for the content of external websites.
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130 The main text of this COI Report contains the most up to date publicly available information as at 14 February 2011.
Further brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
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brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
131
9 Freedom House http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=1
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Further brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
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brief information on recent events and reports has been provided in the Latest News section to 15 April 2011.
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