Excript from  Past and Present, Eritrea’s Leadership is to blame
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Excript from Past and Present, Eritrea’s Leadership is to blame. Does Eritrea really learn? Negarritt-Gazette 89E (NG89E) January 01 2005 What is the meaning of silence? General Mesfin Hagos is hiding all the present and past conspiracies and crimes of the insideclosed- circle life of the EPLF. The other side of silence versus exposure is hiding valuable information from the people of Eritrea. This equates GMH in his behaviour to suggest that he is trying to prolong his existence of self-advantage and his Master’s life to stay in authority. That means GMH is hiding all the present and past conspiracies and crimes of the insideclosed- circle life of the EPLF. Imagine how many Eritreans lost their lives since the inception of the EPLF for the legacy of PIA. Imagine how many Eritreans have become disabled mentally or physically or both. If GMH is unwilling to tell the truth of his personal experience of the inside-closed-circle life of the EPLF, then there is only one option to think about. This one option, is to think is that GMH is directly or indirectly but deliberately to be blamed for hiding the facts needed to be exposed to the Eritrean public. Surely, this is to opt with hindsight of the political interpretation that GMH is doing it for the purpose of cover up and of self-survival as well as of PIA as highlighted earlier. As a result, NG89E strongly criticises GMH’s failure to accept to say: ‘I have learned a huge lesson. Now I have to stand up for what is right’. His insisting on divulging is as if someone is deliberately keeping his cards close to his chest for fear that his Master PIA will withdraw the title and authority of ‘Ende Rassie’ as well as reject him from clinging to power after PIA. All this will not help GMH if a thing is to be rectified. It is worth to think that every act that occurred in the Eritrean struggle for independence is important. It is the highest time to reflect and be critical to the self. GMH’s life is a part of Eritrean history because it is and was a part of our people’s life. Therefore, what is essentially needed, is the whiteness and purity of his heart in all dimensions. It is worth noting to remember the words of the Italian sculptor and painter, Michael Angelo: ‘Trifles make perfection, but perfection is no trifle’. In contrast, what is needed from GMH is clarity, candour, transparency, accountability and competence and not silence, conspiracy and hostility against each other or the ELF as a whole. In light of the above arguments and explanations, one thing NG89E can’t resist telling GMH is that to bear in mind that the clock is ticking against him with every step his foot lands at a different angle, which is rarely the kind of angle nature intended, and that every footfall could lead to a sprain, fracture or fall. This is an anatomical analysis that describes the political realities and possibilities in Eritrea today and in the past. Now the time seems to be ripe so that politicians do the job squarely and efficiently. If GMH learns to welcome new experience, he will find he can cope with a wide variety of situations in new and helpful ways. But the fact is that GMH does not look to be. If he is to remain the driving force within his party or other Eritrean parties, first, he must prove a pill too bitter for him to swallow. This is that NG89E asks GMH to spell out the following events without any reservation: A. How GMH feels today when he thinks or reflects back, just to mention a few examples, about: 1. The Eritrean civil war, i.e. killing each other between EPLF and ELF in 1960s – 1980s? 2. The documentary agreement between PIA and the CIA in Asmara, Decamere or Alla – Seled - Berazio in the 1960s - 1970s, perhaps even later? 3. The death of Abraham Tewolde in Alla, Egela-Hames, Akele-Guzai in 1960s? 4. The killing of Eritrean students, known as ‘Deki Kebessa’ in the ELF in 1960s? 5. The killing and imprisoning of innocent fighters /Tegaldeti/ in 1970s – 1980s being called Menka-E members? Those dead ones came to the war field voluntarily to fight the Ethiopian Imperial Rule in order to fulfil their dreams of Eritrea’s total independence and societal freedom, but unfortunately, they were labelled by the EPLF leadership as Extreme Leftists (Huluf Tsegemawian) and Extreme Rightists (Huluf Yemanawian). This was because of their demand to see the implementation of democracy in practice within the rule of the EPLF. 6. The death of Woldemichael Haile (Wedi Haile or Te-ame Haile) in 1977? 7. The death of Amanuel Flanssa (Wedi Keshi) in 1970s? 8. The death of Betsaiy Goitom Berhe in 1970s? 9. The death of Ibrahim Affa in 1980s? 10. The death of Solomon Woldemariam in 1980s? 11. The death of Issias Tewolde (Wodi Flanssa) in 1980s? 12. The death of Tesfa-Giorghis Georgo (Wedi Georgo), Addis Ababa, in 1990s? 13. The imprisonment of fighters after the event of demonstration that took place in Asmara football stadium in 1993? 14. The death of the physically handicapped fighters (Akale Senkulan Tegadelti) in Mai-Habar 1994? 15. The abuse of our females from Tegadelti and civilians since decades? 16. The execution of ca 150 Eritrean prisoners on June 18 and 19, 1997 in the outskirts of Asmara, around Kushet? 17. The imprisonment of close comrades, i.e. the Government Ministers, called the G-11, on September 18 2000? 18. The current death of the youth and adults in Addi Abbetto in November 2004. They were composed of civilians and Tegadelti? 19. and many more? B. How would GMH describe the above deaths to the public: murder (as a first hand murder, or second hand murder) slaughter, friendly killing or shooting, natural death, etc.? And how would GMH justify the death of each individual? C. Can GMH tell the Eritrean people about the selection criteria of squads in organising the process of hujjum wars in the past? Who made decisions on who should go to die (similar to euthanasia: involuntarily sentence to death)? Who was allowed to stay to serve the interest of the leaders within the EPLF? C1) Can GMH tell us today, whether those Eritrean fighters were, in reality, suicide bombers or not? C2) Did they give their consent when they were asked to do the job of ‘hujjum’? Were they voluntarily giving their names to go for ‘hujjum’? Or C3) were they forced to do so because a democratic right of questioning and answering was not an issue at all and that there were no criteria at all? Or C4) as the EPLF exploiting and commanding motto insists, ‘do the job first and then ask’, or face a military discipline’. That means someone asks when he dies. Such a military exploiting measure was barbaric, unrealistic, impossible, immoral, unethical, and inhumane despicable and inexcusable act. By the way, what is hujjum? Hujjum is originally an Arabic word. It may have a different meaning than this version. However, according the Eritrean EPLF military use, experience and perception of it, it means that a soldier fights the enemy in an open way by giving his / her life to be martyr. In its practice, it was a forced martyr and not voluntary because the soldier was chosen by the leader to act in such a manner to accomplish the military message with great probability of dying. If the chosen soldier did not accept the command of his / her leader, he / she should face a military action. Even today this behaviour is exercised in the battle field. The evidence is the recent border war with Ethiopia. The only difference to the past is that today an individual is not chosen but a unit or units (‘ganta’ in Tigrigna) as a whole. One ‘ganta’ has three units. Each unit has 16-20 members. Three units make up one ‘ganta’ of 40-60 members of fighters. One ‘ganta’ from a company or battalion is chosen respectively, for every necessary occasion to be a martyr, for example, to clear away a mined area to create a loop or a passage for use to run away from or attack an enemy position. Such a circumstance, obviously, presents and demonstrates the occurrence of deliberate death with great probability. D. Can GMH tell us about the land ownership system, the ‘selling or buying criteria’ and their processes in the Region of his past administration in which our people still blame his management in the South Zone of Eritrea? E. Can GMH tell us about how the gender issue in Eritrea is thrown under the carpet when our females have become slavers of the male dominance culture within the authority positions of the PFDJ. F. Can GMH tell us who was a real CIA agent in Eritrea? G. Can GMH tell us who was preaching to the Eritrean people, saying we are fighting against Ethiopian rule and all other types of capitalism, imperialism of the Western World and Zionism of Israel? H. Can GMH tell us about who was getting medical treatment in the care of the Israelites in the heartland of Israel? I. Can GMH tell us of how many Eritreans were allegedly accused of beings agents of Imperialism and Zionism, and then sentenced to death? J. Can GMH tell us who have been the gamblers and alcoholics in the secret pubs of Asmara or other cities or towns in Eritrea at nights since 1991? K. Can GMH tell us about the hidden agenda between the EPLF and TPLF in the 1980s and 1990s as well as between PIA and Ethiopia’s PM Meles Zenawi in the 1990s?

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